The History of the Abolition of African Slave-Trade by the British Parliament. Thomas Clarkson
and in 1786.
3 Benjamin Lay attended the meetings for worship, or associated himself with the religious society of the Quakers. His wife, too, was an approved minister of the Gospel in that society; but I believe he was not long an acknowledged member of it himself.
4 This short sketch of the life and labours of John Woolman, is made up from his Journal.
5 These related to the principles of the religious society of the Quakers.
6 One of the brightest instances was that afforded by Warner Mifflin. He gave unconditional liberty to his slaves. He paid all the adults, on their discharge, the sum, which arbitrators, mutually chosen, awarded them.
7 Previously to the year 1787, several of the states had made the terms of manumission more easy.
8 It must not be forgotten, that the example of the Moravians had its influence also in directing men to their duty towards these oppressed people; for though, when they visited this part of the world for their conversion, they never meddled with the political state of things, by recommending it to masters to alter the condition of their slaves, as believing religion could give comfort in the most abject situations in life, yet they uniformly freed those slaves who came into their own possession.
9 It then appeared that individuals among those of the Church of England, Roman Catholics, Presbyterians, Methodists, and others had begun in a few instances to liberate their slaves.
10 Dr. Rush has been better known since for his other literary works, such as his Medical Dissertations, his Treatises on the Discipline of Schools, Criminal Law, &c.
11 In this year, Elhanan Winchester, a supporter of the doctrine of universal redemption, turned the attention of many of his hearers to this subject, both by private interference, and by preaching expressly upon it.
CHAPTER VI
Observations on the three classes already introduced. — Coincidence of extraordinary circumstances. — Individuals in each of these classes, who seem to have had an education as it were to qualify them for promoting the cause of the abolition; Sharp and Ramsay in the first; Dillwyn in the second; Pemberton and Rush in the third. — These, with their respective classes, acted on motives of their own, and independently of each other; and yet, from circumstances neither foreseen nor known by them, they were in the way of being easily united in 1787. — William Dillwyn, the great medium of connexion between them all.
If the reader will refer to his recollection, he will find that I have given the history of three of the classes of the forerunners and coadjutors in the great cause of the abolition of the Slave Trade up to the time proposed. He will of course expect that I should proceed with the history of the fourth. But, as I foresee that, by making certain observations upon the classes already introduced in the present, rather than in any future, place, I shall be able to give him clearer views on the subject, I shall postpone the history of the remaining class to the next chapter.
The account which I shall now give, will exhibit a concurrence of extraordinary and important circumstances. It will show, first, that in each of the three classes now introduced, there were individuals, in the year 1787, who had been educated as it were for the purpose of becoming peculiarly qualified to act together for the promotion of the abolition of the Slave Trade. It will show, secondly, that these, with their respective classes, acted upon their own principles, distinctly and independently of each other. And lastly, that by means of circumstances, which they themselves had neither foreseen nor contrived, a junction between them was rendered easily practicable, and that it was beginning to take place at the period assigned.
The first class of forerunners and coadjutors consisted principally, as it has appeared, of persons in England of various descriptions. These, I may observe, had no communication with each other as to any plan for the abolition of the Slave Trade. There were two individuals, however, among them who were more conspicuous than the rest, namely, Granville Sharp, the first labourer, and Mr. Ramsay, the first controversial writer, in the cause.
That Granville Sharp received an education as if to become qualified to unite with others, in the year 1787, for this important object, must have, appeared from the history of his labours, as detailed in several of the preceding pages. The same may be said of Mr. Ramsay; for it has already appeared that he lived in the island of St. Christopher, where he made his observations, and studied the laws, relative to the treatment of slaves, for nineteen years.
That Granville Sharp acted on grounds distinct from those in any of the other classes is certain. For he knew nothing at this time either of the Quakers in England or of those in America, any more than that they existed by name. Had it not been for the case of Jonathan Strong, he might never have attached himself to the cause. A similar account may be given of Mr. Ramsay; for, if it had not been for what he had seen in the island of St. Christopher, he had never embarked in it. It was from scenes, which he had witnessed there, that he began to feel on the subject. These feelings he communicated to others on his return to England, and these urged him into action.
With respect to the second class, the reader will recollect that it consisted of the Quakers in England: first, of George Fox; then of the Quakers as a body; then of individuals belonging to that body, who formed themselves into a committee, independently of it, for the promotion of the object in question. This committee, it may he remembered, consisted of six persons, of whom one was William Dillwyn.
That William Dillwyn became fitted for the station, which he was afterwards to take, will be seen shortly. He was born in America, and was a pupil of the venerable Benezet, who took pains very early to interest his feelings on this great subject. Benezet employed him occasionally, I mean in a friendly manner, as his amanuensis, to copy his manuscripts for publication, as well as several of his letters written in behalf of the cause. This gave his scholar an insight into the subject; who, living besides in the land where both the Slave Trade and slavery were established, obtained an additional knowledge of them, so as to be able to refute many of those objections, to which others, for want of local observation, could never have replied.
In the year 1772, Anthony Benezet introduced William Dillwyn by letter to several of the principal people of Carolina, with whom he had himself corresponded on the sufferings of the poor Africans, and desired him to have interviews with them on the subject. He charged him also to be very particular in making observations as to what he should see there. This journey was of great use to the latter, in fixing him as the friend of these oppressed people; for he saw so much of their cruel treatment in the course of it, that he felt an anxiety ever afterwards, amounting to a duty, to do every thing in his power for their relief.
In the year 1773, William Dillwyn, in conjunction with Richard Smith and Daniel Wells, two of his own society, wrote a pamphlet in answer to arguments then prevailing, that the manumission of slaves would be injurious. This pamphlet — which was entitled, Brief Considerations on Slavery, and the Expediency of its Abolition; with some Hints on the Means whereby it may be gradually effected, — proved that in lieu of the usual security required, certain sums paid at the several periods of manumission would amply secure the public, as well as the owners of the slaves, from any future burdens. In the same year also, when the society, joined by several hundreds of others in New Jersey, presented a petition to the legislature,