The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9). Томас Джефферсон
I am sincerely concerned for Mr. Reibelt, who is a man of excellent understanding and extensive science. If you had any academical berth, he would be much better fitted for that than for the bustling business of life. I enclose to General Wilkinson my message of January 22d. I presume, however, you will have seen it in the papers. It gives the history of Burr's conspiracy, all but the last chapter, which will, I hope, be that of his capture before this time, at Natchez. Your situations have been difficult, and we judge of the merit of our agents there by the magnitude of the danger as it appeared to them, not as it was known to us. On great occasions every good officer must be ready to risk himself in going beyond the strict line of law, when the public preservation requires it; his motives will be a justification as far as there is any discretion in his ultra-legal proceedings, and no indulgence of private feelings. On the whole, this squall, by showing with what ease our government suppresses movements which in other countries requires armies, has greatly increased its strength by increasing the public confidence in it. It has been a wholesome lesson too to our citizens, of the necessary obedience to their government. The Feds, and the little band of Quids, in opposition, will try to make something of the infringement of liberty by the military arrest and deportation of citizens, but if it does not go beyond such offenders as Swartwout, Bollman, Burr, Blennerhasset, Tyler, &c., they will be supported by the public approbation. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect.
TO MR. SMITH
A resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, asks from me information as to the efficacy of the gun-boat defence, what particular ports we propose to place them in, and how many in each. I will enumerate the particular ports, but instead of saying literally how many to each, on which there would be a thousand opinions, I will throw them into groups as below, and say how many to each group. Will you be so good as to state how many you would think necessary for each of the ports below mentioned, to give then such a degree of protection as you think would be sufficiently effectual in time of war? Also to strike out any of the ports here named, and insert others as you shall think best:
Send me also, if you please, copies of the opinions of certain officers on the effect of gun-boats, which I believe, were formerly laid before a committee.
A similar note in substance was sent to General Dearborne.
TO MR. GALLATIN
I thank you for the case in the Siman Sea, which escaped my recollection. It was indeed a very favorable one. I have adopted your other amendments, except as to the not building now; my own opinion being very strongly against this for these reasons: 1st. The 127 gun-boats cannot be built in one, two, or even six months. Commodore Preble told me he could build those he undertook, in two months. They were but four, and though he was preparing during the winter, was engaged in April, and pressed to expedite them, they were not ready for sea till November. 2d. After war commences they cannot be built in New York, Boston, Norfolk, or any seaport, because they would be destroyed by the enemy, on the stocks. They could then be built only in interior places, inaccessible to ships and defended by the body of the country, where the building would be slow. 3d. The first operation of war by an enterprising enemy would be to sweep all our seaports, of their vessels at least. 4th. The expense of their preservation would be all but nothing, because I have had the opinion of, I believe, every captain of the navy, that the largest of our gun-boats can be drawn up, out of the water, and placed under a shed with great ease, by preparing ways and capstans proper for it, and always ready to let her down again. Such of them as are built in suitable places may remain on the stocks unlaunched. 5th. Full the half of the whole number would be small, and not costing more than three-fifths of the large ones. Affectionate salutations.
TO THOMAS SEYMOUR, ESQ
Sir,—The mass of business which occurs during a session of the Legislature, renders me necessarily unpunctual in acknowledging the receipt of letters, and in answering those which will admit of delay. This must be my apology for being so late in noticing the receipt of the letter of December 20th, addressed to me by yourself, and several other republican characters of your State of high respectability. I have seen with deep concern the afflicting oppression under which the republican citizens of Connecticut suffer from an unjust majority. The truths expressed in your letter have been long exposed to the nation through the channel of the public papers, and are the more readily believed because most of the States during the momentary ascendancy of kindred majorities, in them have seen the same spirit of opposition prevail.
With respect to the countervailing prosecutions now instituted in the Court of the United States in Connecticut, I had heard but little, and certainly, I believe, never expressed a sentiment on them. That a spirit of indignation and retaliation should arise when an opportunity should present itself, was too much within the human constitution to excite either surprise or censure, and confined to an appeal to truth only, it cannot lessen the useful freedom of the press.
As to myself, conscious that there was not a truth on earth which I feared should be known, I have lent myself willingly as the subject of a great experiment, which was to prove that an administration, conducting itself with integrity and common understanding, cannot be battered down, even by the falsehoods of a licentious press, and consequently still less by the press, as restrained within the legal and wholesome limits of truth. This experiment was wanting for the world to demonstrate the falsehood of the pretext that freedom of the press is incompatible with orderly government. I have never therefore even contradicted the thousands of calumnies so industriously propagated against myself. But the fact being once established, that the press is impotent when it abandons itself to falsehood, I leave to others to restore it to its strength, by recalling it within the pale of truth. Within that it is a noble institution, equally the friend of science and of civil liberty. If this can once be effected in your State, I trust we shall soon see its citizens rally to the republican principles of our Constitution, which unite their sister-States into one family. It would seem impossible that an intelligent people, with the faculty of reading and right of thinking, should continue much longer to slumber under the pupilage of an interested aristocracy of priests and lawyers, persuading them to distrust themselves, and to let them think for them. I sincerely wish that your efforts may awaken them from this voluntary degradation of mind, restore them to a due estimate of themselves and their fellow-citizens, and a just abhorrence of the falsehoods and artifices which have seduced them. Experience of the use made by federalism of whatever comes from me, obliges me to suggest the caution of considering my letter as private. I pray you to present me respectfully to the other gentlemen who joined in the letter to me, and to whom this is equally addressed, and to accept yourself my salutations, and assurances of great esteem and consideration.
TO GENERAL DEARBORNE
Thomas Jefferson salutes General Dearborne with friendship, and communicates the following information from Captain Lewis, which may be useful to Colonel Freeman, and our future explorers; and indeed may enable us understandingly to do acceptable things to our Louisiana neighbors when we wish to gratify them.
He says the following are the articles in highest value with them:
1. Blue beads. This is a coarse cheap bead imported from China, and costing in England 13d. the pound, in strands. It is far more valued by the Indians than the white beads of the same manufacture, and answers all the purposes of money, being counted by the fathom. He says that were his journey to be performed again, one-half or two-thirds of his stores in value should be of these.
2. Common brass buttons, more valued than anything except beads.
3. Knives.
4. Battleaxes and tomahawks.
5. Sadlers' seat awls, which answer for moccasin awls.
6. Some glovers' needles.
7. Some iron combs.
8. Some nests of camp kettles; brass is much preferred to iron, though both are very useful to the Indians.
Arrow-points