Building the Empire State. Brian Phillips Murphy
BUILDING THE EMPIRE STATE
AMERICAN BUSINESS, POLITICS, AND SOCIETY
Series editors:
Andrew Wender Cohen, Pamela Walker Laird, Mark H. Rose, and Elizabeth Tandy Shermer
Books in the series American Business, Politics, and Society explore the relationships over time between governmental institutions and the creation and performance of markets, firms, and industries large and small. The central theme of this series is that politics, law, and public policy—understood broadly to embrace not only lawmaking but also the structuring presence of governmental institutions—have been fundamental to the evolution of American business from the colonial era to the present. The series aims to explore, in particular, developments that have enduring consequences.
BUILDING THE EMPIRE STATE
Political Economy in the Early Republic
Brian Phillips Murphy
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS
PHILADELPHIA
Copyright © 2015 University of Pennsylvania Press
All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes of review or scholarly citation, none of this book may be reproduced in any form by any means without written permission from the publisher.
Published by
University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Murphy, Brian Phillips.
Building the empire state : political economy in the early republic / Brian Phillips Murphy.
pages cm — (American business, politics, and society)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8122-4716-9
1. New York (State)—History—1775–1865. 2. New York (State)—Politics and government—1775–1865. 3. New York (State)—Economic conditions—History—18th century. 4. New York (State)—Economic conditions—History—19th century. 5. Finance, Public—United States—New York (State)—1789–1801. 6. Finance, Public—United States—New York (State)—1801–1861. I. Title. II. Series: American business, politics, and society.
F123.M93 2015
974.7'03—dc23
2014040796
For my father, James J. Murphy III (1943–2013)
CONTENTS
Introduction. Strength in Structure
Chapter 1. “The Most Dangerous and Effectual Engine of Power”
Chapter 2. “An Enlarged American Scale”
Chapter 3. “A Very Convenient Instrument”
Chapter 4. “To Occupy All Points”
Chapter 5. “If We Must Have War or a Canal, I Am in Favor of the Canal”
Conclusion. Corporate Political Economy
NOTE ON BANKING TERMS
At its core, a bank is an organization that lends money and extends credit to people on the basis of its assets and their ability to repay obligations. Those assets could be money—piles of gold and silver coins, say—or anything with a recognizable value as collateral. For example, land banks, sometimes called country banks, accepted mortgaged real estate as a form of capital, enabling landlords to turn their normally illiquid holdings into paper banknotes. Money or commercial banks, by contrast, preferred coined money that was called specie. Not surprisingly, cash-rich and land-poor merchants favored money banks to the land banks desired by landlords.
Organizationally, banks could be wholly private enterprises. A simple contract drawn between two partners who loaned money at interest could be considered a private bank. Incorporated and joint-stock banks were composed of shareholders who each held fractional ownership in the institution, which they could buy and sell. The owners did not need to know each other because the institution itself was governed by a stable set of rules and regulations and administered by an elected board of directors and hired staff.
A joint-stock company that received an incorporation grant gained rights and legal privileges that distinguished it from other companies lacking such a useful instrumentality. A corporation possessed a fictitious legal “person-hood” that allowed its directors and shareholders to sue and be sued in court as a single entity and to hold common property as shares changed hands and membership on the board of directors rotated. An incorporated bank might also operate on a larger scale than an unincorporated joint-stock sibling because it enjoyed a privilege of limited liability, protecting shareholders from being responsible for debts incurred by the bank above the amount of their investments. An unincorporated partnership that went bankrupt could haunt generations of heirs and descendants, but the failure of an incorporated bank wiped out only its shareholders’ equity investments in the enterprise; their other assets were shielded from legal claims. Incorporated banks, then, possessed advantages that other commercial enterprises and unincorporated institutions did not. With those privileges, however, came an enormous amount of discretion; bankers chose who they would do business with, making those banks desirable for investors and well-connected borrowers but resented by those left on the sidelines. This aspect of banking became far more intense if a bank’s charter was exclusive, giving it a monopoly within a city or state by barring the creation of competing institutions.
A bank’s principal function in this period was to provide a sound medium of exchange: called banknotes, these were pieces of bank-printed money that could be redeemed on demand for gold or silver, making it a very safe and desirable form of currency.
In contrast to banks that developed in the mid-nineteenth century and are familiar to twenty-first-century readers, banks in the early republic served the interests of commercial firms rather than individual consumers by providing financiers, businesspeople, and merchants with access to credit and capital. Without satellite branches, banks typically conducted business