Rockefeller & the Demise of Ibu Pertiwi. Kerry B Collison

      West Irian

      Indonesia’s General Murtopo had warned the Papuans that if they voted against Indonesia “their accursed tongues will be cut out and their evil mouths wrenched open”.

      As the commencement of polling approached, elements of Jakarta’s ruthless and highly-trained Police Mobile Brigade BRIMOB and the army’s KOPASSUS Special Forces swept across the territory, to ensure the desired outcome. Jakarta’s strategy cut off resistance groups from supporting the village populations, thereby destroying their food supply. Thousands of Papuans were killed as the occupying army inaugurated a system of relocating smaller village communities into designated and more manageable, but agriculturally-poor areas. Deprived of their traditional food supplies many perished. As the military round-up of Free Papua activists continued, intimidated villagers quickly fell into line.

      However, strong pockets of resistance remained in the more isolated, mountainous regions. In April, rebellions erupted in the Western Central Highlands, when one hundred armed Papuan policemen joined the rebels. The Indonesian military’s response was brutal. When a gathering of demonstrators near Jayapura proclaimed a “National Republic of West Papua” the group was dispersed by machine-gun fire leaving many dead, and others to be imprisoned. Unconstrained, a platoon of Indonesian soldiers forced their way into the United Nation’s post and arrested Marshal Williams, the UNRWI’s black American Chief administrative officer, mistaking him for a Papuan.

      Jakarta despatched nine ground-force task units to Irian Barat.

      Uprisings continued throughout the territory; air fields were sabotaged to prevent Indonesian troop landings, which precipitated the poorly-conceived aerial drop of four battalions of Red Beret paratroopers from Hercules aircraft. Most of the soldiers drowned in Lake Paniai when the pilot missed the target, and those who survived were killed by Papuan Resistance forces.

      * * * *

      On July 14, 1969, the Act of Free Choice finally began as the sound of democracy faded.

      An assembly of only one thousand Papuan members, selected to represent the entire Papuan population, had spent several weeks before the day under guard by the authorities, and isolated from the rest of the community. Most assembly members were either threatened or bribed by Jakarta’s presiding general, choosing specific individuals who had rehearsed pro-Indonesian speeches to speak at the assembly. These representatives were to create a collective consensus to remain with Indonesia and, in turn, each stood and made similar statements proclaiming they recognized the Indonesian Constitution.

      When the Act’s implementation was complete, Jakarta announced all the Papuans had elected to remain with Indonesia. Tomas Karma was one of the thousand delegates to the ‘Act of Free Choice’. He would become a member of Suharto’s political wing, Golkar and serve as a member of the West Papuan provincial parliament.

      The sham referendum was ratified by the UN General Assembly paving the way for the betrayal of the people of West New Guinea which then became absolute, and West Irian became Indonesia’s twenty-sixth province.

      The Indonesian military moved quickly to establish a permanent presence to control the indigenous population, now agitated by the influx of Javanese immigrants brought in under the government’s transmigration program, to dilute the native presence.

      The Free Papua Movement (OPM) rejected the referendum result, advocating unification with neighbouring Papua New Guinea (PNG), and commenced an ongoing low-level insurgency operating from sanctuaries along the common border, under the watchful eyes of Australian Special Forces.

      Fifty years of repression, reprisals and genocidal behaviour would pass before the flawed plebiscite would be revisited by the United Nations, dragging Indonesia and Australia once again, to the brink of war.

      * * * *

      The Present

      London

      The crowded Westminster auditorium, filled with politicians, members of the international business community, diplomats, and the media had attracted the attention of intelligence circles.

      Indonesian State Intelligence agents from BIN (Badan Intelijen Negara) continued their surveillance on the de facto leader of West Papua’s Government in Exile, Bennie Tabuni.

      At the rear of the hall, Anne Whitehead stood alongside Jules Heynneman. When polite applause followed Tabuni’s introduction as the closing speaker, she tilted her head closer to Jules. ‘You need to press him to take the warnings more seriously,’ she said, sotto voce.

      Jules turned and whispered in response. ‘Already taken care of … Don’t worry.’

      Anne slipped a hand to his elbow and pinched lightly. ‘That applies to you also.’

      Jules glanced sideways and winked. ‘I have it covered.’

      They then both stood silently listening to Bennie continue his address to the assembly.

      ‘ … and the primary purpose tonight is to encourage all who support democracy to sign the global petition calling upon the United Nations to revisit the flawed so-called Act of Free Choice, by intervening in Indonesia’s brutal repression, and providing for West Papuan’s legitimate claim for independence.

      ‘It was not so long ago Parliamentarians from around the world signed up to the International Parliamentarians for West Papua (IPWP)’s “Westminster Declaration”, calling on the UN to oversee a new independence referendum. Since that landmark, historic moment, seven countries have collectively voiced their support for our struggle. We thank the people of Nauru, the Marshall Islands, Tuvalu, Vanuatu, the Solomon Islands, Tonga and Palau for their contribution towards the formation of the Pacific Coalition for West Papua ... ’

      Jules watched Bennie approvingly, pleased with his “adopted” brother’s performance. Although he had attended countless, similar appeals before, Jules still marvelled at Bennie’s capacity to motivate his supporters. Jules had never felt envious of the attention this attracted recognising from the very beginning of their journey together that each enjoyed their own specific skills, and ambitions.

      His thoughts wandered, carried to a distant place by the familiar voice at the podium, an image of their childhood village and the family that had raised them as their own, coming to mind.

      * * * *

      Bennie and Jules’ relationship grew from what set them apart from the other village children. Both enjoyed a mixed, European parentage and physically, they stood tall amongst their village peers. When Natan Tabuni believed the timing was appropriate Jules had been informed of his origins. Bennie, however, was told that he had been adopted immediately following his birth, and that his parents were unknown.

      Although the same age as Jules, Bennie assumed the role of elder brother from the outset, the two inseparable companions making their mark scholastically in Jayapura. Under kinship care, Natan Tabuni had arranged through the Council of Churches for both lads to be educated in the city as isolated village schools were inadequately provisioned, with textbooks and quality teachers.

      Both had attended the old campus of the Cenderawasih University in Jayapura, again with the support of church foundations that provided scholarships. Bennie had covertly become politically active whilst serving in the provincial government. Jules’ interest in commerce however drove the young men along different paths initially, until they realised that there was a common thread in the direction both were heading.

      Applause reverberating throughout the assembly brought Jules back to the present, and again he focussed on Bennie’s address.

      ‘Even against almost impossible odds with fifteen thousand Indonesian troops stationed across our homeland, the people of West Papua are determined to reclaim