A History of Matrimonial Institutions (Vol. 1-3). George Elliott Howard
to Thibetan polyandry. Cf. Morgan, op. cit., 517 ff.
[214] Primitive Family, 181.
[215] Ibid., 207, 171-208. Starcke is criticised by Cunow, Australneger, 165, for lack of thoroughness and consistency in his examination of the classificatory systems.
[216] History of Human Marriage, chap. v, 82 ff.
[217] Ibid., 90. Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 162-203, criticises Morgan's views as to the classificatory systems and concludes that the "terms for what we shall call relationships are, among the lower races of men, mere expressions for the results of marriage customs, and do not comprise the idea of relationship as we understand it; that, in fact, the connection of individuals inter se, their duties to one another, their rights, and the descent of their property, are all regulated more by the relation to the tribe than by that to the family; that, when the two conflict, the latter must give way" (202). Tylor, On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions, 261-65, discovers a close relation between exogamy and the classificatory system. Thus out of fifty-three tribes with that system thirty-three observe the rule of exogamy (264).
[218] The so-called "Pirauru marriage" of the Dieri tribe (Howitt, in Trans. R. S. Victoria, I, Part II, 1899, 96) and the "Dilpamali marriage" of the Kunandaburi tribe (Cunow, Australneger, 163). Practically the same is the Piraungaru custom of the Urabunna tribe which Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, 61 ff., regard as a "modified form of group-marriage."
[219] Cunow, op. cit., 161, 163-65.
[220] Idem, Australneger, 176.
[221] On the three Altersclassen or Altersschichtungen, see ibid., 25 ff. The present class-system of the Kamilaroi, the author believes, is not older than the rise of the gentile organization. "Originally the division into classes by no means served, as Morgan and Fison assume, to exclude sexual intercourse between near collateral kindred, but to prevent cohabitation between relatives in the ascending and descending line, between parents and children, uncles and nieces, aunts and nephews, etc." Cf. as to the main point the somewhat similar views of Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 158 ff.; Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, I, 81-83; and Kautsky, Kosmos, XII, 196-98.
[222] Cunow, op. cit., 161, 162: Among backward tribes parents are distinguished from parents' brothers and sisters; and own children from the children of own brothers and sisters.
[223] Ibid., 25. See the somewhat similar conclusion of Atkinson, The Primal Law, 280-94; and compare the criticism of Cunow by Lang, Social Origins, 37, 112-18.
[224] Kohler, Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe, 3, 14 ff., 151 ff. This paper supplements the author's earlier Recht der Australneger, ZVR., VII, 321 ff., 329 ff., 337 ff., where Fison's general conclusions are accepted and the literature cited.
[225] "Der Totemglaube gehört zu den bildensten, lebensvollsten, religiösen Trieben der Menschheit. In dem Totemismus liegt die künftige Familien- und Staatenbildung im Keime."—Kohler, op. cit., 27.
[226] Ibid., 62.
[227] Ibid., 39 ff., 41, 53 ff., 64, 65.
[228] Ibid., 65, 163, 164.
[229] Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, 56.
[230] Ibid., 56, 57. "A man can only marry women 'who stand in the relationship of nupa, that is, are children of his mother's elder brother's blood or tribal, or, what is the same thing, of his father's elder sister.'" The mother of a man's nupa is "mura to him and he to her, and they must not speak to one another." This applies to a possible mother, i. e., the sister of the father: ibid., 61, 62.
[231] Op. cit., 58.
[232] Mystic Rose, 473, 474.
[233] In general on the Australian class-systems see further, Tylor, Early History of Mankind, 288; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, chap. iv; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 13 ff.; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 104 ff., Bernhöft, in ZVR., IX, 6 ff.; McLennan, Studies, II, 304 ff., where the reports of Grey, Ridley, and other observers are summarized; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 49 ff., 58 ff., who, in the main, accepts Curr's conclusions; Dawson, Australian Aborigines, 1, 2, 26-40; Forest, "Marriage Laws of N. W. Australia," Report 2d Meeting of Aust. Association Adv. Sci. (1890), 653, 654; Fison, "Group-Marriage and Relationships," ibid., 4th Meeting (Tasmania, 1893), 688-97, criticising Westermarck, 717-20, criticising McLennan; Mathew, "Australian Aborigines," Jour. R. S. N. S. Wales, XXIII, 335-49, criticising Morgan and McLennan. Consult also the references in the Bibliographical Note at the head of the chapter.
For further discussion of Morgan's researches see Bernhöft, Verwandtschaftsnamen und Eheformen; Posada, Théories modernes, 52-57; Schroeder, Das Recht in der geschlechtl. Ordnung, 18 ff.; Cunow, Australneger, v-vii, 11 ff.; Grosse, op. cit., 3 ff.; Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 158 ff.; Beauchamp, "Aboriginal Communal Life in America," Am. Antiquarian, IX, 343-50, attacking Morgan's views, holding that proper communism is not found among the red Indians; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 92-101, 169 ff.; Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, 99, 101, 149, 316 ff., who, for the Australian groups, sustain Morgan as opposed to McLennan; Wake, op. cit., 15, 19, 112, 266 ff., 297 ff.; Letourneau, L'évolution du mariage, 432, 433, who accepts Morgan's five forms of the family; Kovalevsky, op. cit., 9, 10; Maine, Early Law and Custom, 195 ff., passim; Peschel, Races of Man, 224, 228 ff., who rejects Morgan's conclusions; Lubbock, "Development of Relationships," Jour. Anth. Inst., Feb., 1871.
[234] Studies in Ancient History, I, viii, 83-146. McLennan's views are somewhat modified and further developed in his Patriarchal Theory, notably in chaps. xii and xiii, 181-242; and a mass of new material is presented in his Studies, 2d ser. (1896).
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