A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering in the Old Days. Joseph Grego
January 10, 1442, two burgesses were chosen, but, for some unexplained cause, the fees were lowered.
“And it was ye same day ordered, by ye assent of ye whole congregation, that ye Burgesses chosen for Parliament shall be allowed each of them two shillings a day and no more.”
At the same time, various instructions were given touching renewal and confirmation of the Charter; and the burgesses on their return to Lynn—
“did well and discreetly declare those things which were substantially done and acted for ye Mayor in ye Parliament.”
“April 18, 1442. The Burgesses of ye last Parliament ingeniously and seriously related several transactions of ye said Parliament.”
As a qualification to serve, it was, as a rule, deemed essential that the member should be “an individual either bearing office or being resident in the borough,” and persons residing elsewhere were held inadmissible; thus:—
“Feb. 1664. Two letters, one from Sir Robert Hitchin, Kt., ye other from Sir Henry Spelman, Kt., desiring to be elected Burgesses for ye next Parliament; forasmuch as ye Statute of ye 1st of Henry 5 (1413) doth appoint that Burgesses should be men residing and free in ye Borough at ye time of their election, it is agreed to answer their letter that ye corporation is minded to chuse according to ye Statute.”
In March, the mayor and recorder were straightway elected burgesses for the next parliament, and enacted under “June 20. The mayor to have ten shillings per day for serving in parliament.” This specially high allowance was possibly due to the extra state which the mayor of a corporation like King’s Lynn would be expected to support in the metropolis, to impress the citizens with the consequence and honour of the borough. The fee speedily dwindled again, and, in 1642, when the kingdom was in a state of ebullition, during the Long Parliament, a general prescript appears to have been instituted as to the fees due to members, and the possible difficulties of collecting them. It is thus noted:—
“Oct. 15. An order from ye House of Commons to ye Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, to require them to pay to Mr. Toll and Mr. Percivall, their Burgesses in Parliament, the same allowance as formerly per day, being 5s.”
“1643, Jan. 3. In answer to ye above order to ye House of Commons to acquaint them that heretofore no Parliamentary wages have been paid before ye Parliament ended, nor then out of ye town stock, but by ye freemen and inhabitants, saving of late of mere bounty ye Burgesses were diversely rewarded by ye representative body. Also ye impossibility of performing ye said order, there being no town stock, ye revenues not being sufficient to defray ye necessary charges in common; besides, extraordinary expenses unavoidably fall upon us daily for ye safety of this town and ye kingdom.”
The Rump Parliament, 1649, had abolished the House of Peers, but some of the Upper Chamber became burgesses to parliament, and this secured admission to the Commons. Lynn Regis came forward hospitably on this emergency, and the head of the proud house of Salisbury had reason to feel grateful for the privilege of being sent to parliament at a time when the order of Peers was abolished through the spontaneous suffrages of the people.
“Jan. 16, 1649. Ordered that a letter be written to ye Right Honble. ye Earl of Salsbury, by ye Mayor from this house, to give him knowledge that this house have granted him ye freedom of this Burgh, and that the comonalty of this Burgh hath elected him a Burgess of ye Parliament of England.”
This honour, which had rarity to recommend it, elicited a graceful and earnest letter from the new member.
“THE EARLE OF SALSBURY’S LETTER.
“Gentlemen,
“As ye precedent you have made in choosing me to be your Burgess is unusual (I believe), if not ye first among you, so do it lay ye greater obligation upon me, neither is that favour a little heightened by my being so much of a stranger to you as indeed I am; and as you have here an open and free acknowledgment from me of your kind and good affections in so unanimous an election of me to serve you in Parliament, as your letter doth express, so cannot they merit or you expect more thanks than I do really return unto you for them. You have been pleased cheerfully (as you say) to confer your freedom upon me. I shall ever be zealous in maintaining yours, and, as I am not ignorant of the great trust you have placed in me, so shall you never be deceived in it; for ye addresses you are to make me (as your occasion shall require) they shall not be so many as cheerfully received, and whatsoever may concern the public good or yours, shall ever be pursued with all faithfulness by him that is
“Your very loving friend,
“Salsbury.”
CHAPTER II.
PARLIAMENTARY LIFE UNDER THE STUARTS; PAID MEMBERS.
The days of the Long Parliament were fruitful in frank out-of-door expressions of opinion under the rule of Charles I. and the Commonwealth; but, although political feelings were embittered, it does not appear that the franchise was exposed to any undue influence worth recording. A certain amount of governmental favour was reckoned of use in isolated instances; this patronage was considered safe to return nominees for such places as the Cinque Ports. But few election squibs, pure and simple, can be discovered before the Restoration. Ballads are less rare; these for the most part deal with the broader party relations, and are confined within discreet limitations, for “privilege of parliament” was rigorously enforced under Cromwell. On the disappearance of the Commonwealth, the spirits of the Cavalier wits and rhymsters revived, with all the more liveliness for their long-enforced repression. As an animated and characteristic example of the ballads produced at the close of the stern conventicle régime, we include the jeux d’esprit written upon the moribund parliament, when it was no longer formidable—dissolution having, for the time being, shorn its far-reaching and vengeful claws, while a changed head of the State had rendered its return to a lease of power extremely problematical. It is fair to say that, for the most part, the disappearance of this straight-laced and tyrannical House of Commons was hailed as a national relief: the theory of flying “to ills we know not of” had yet to be realized with the gradual development of the Merry Monarch’s selfish and ruinous system, the most iniquitous ever tolerated.
“A GENERAL SALE OF REBELLIOUS HOUSEHOLD STUFF.
“Rebellion hath broken up House,
And hath left some old Lumber to sell;
Come hither and take your choice—
I’ll promise to use you well.
Will you buy th’ old Speaker’s chair,
Which was warm and easy to sit in,
And oftentimes hath been made clean,
When as it was fouler than fitting?
Will you buy any Bacon-flitches
They’re the fattest that ever were spent;
They’re the sides of th’ old Committees
Fed up with th’ Long Parliament.
Here’s a pair of bellows and tongs,
And for a small matter I’ll sell ’em;
They’re made of the Presbyters’ lungs
To blow up the Coals of Rebellion.
Here’s the besom of Reformation,
Which should have made clean the floor;
But it swept the wealth out of the nation,