Schizophrenia. Orna Ophir

Schizophrenia - Orna Ophir


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what Richard Noll described as psychiatrists’ increasing realization that “pouring muddy water from one jug into another” would not make it clearer. An alternative and, in their eyes, better “solution” would be “to break the jugs” instead.35

      Another example of a dimensional system of evaluation is the “Hierarchical Taxonomy of Psychopathology” (HiTOP).36 The HiTOP was developed by a group of psychologists and psychiatrists from several research centers, with the explicit purpose of offering an alternative to the neurobiologically oriented RDoC. The HiTOP regards mental health as a spectrum. It places mental health problems on a continuum between pathology and normality, in much the same way that we measure body weight or blood pressure. Just as human weight is measured on a numerical scale (from 1 to 250 kg) and blood pressure on a different scale (from, say, 40/70 to 100/190), according to the HiTOP, we can also find a spectrum ranging from normal to abnormal when it comes to memory, perception, attention, social communication, and the ability to regulate fear, loss, or rewards.

      Suggestions for revising existing diagnostic practices have also been proposed by scholars outside of the mental health professions. For example, Nikolas Rose, a British sociologist, spent decades questioning the psychiatric enterprise and defending a move from “diagnosis” to “formulation.” According to Rose’s distinction, a complex story (one that includes the causes of the person’s distress and that follows how their experiences might have penetrated “under their skin”) would be just as appropriate in clinical practice as using a “name” to label a categorical diagnosis. Moreover, assessing the person’s capabilities and impairments would be much more useful when planning their needs for receiving mental health services. The move from labels like “schizophrenia” to a story told about the person’s overall situation and station in life, the biological, psychological, and social factors that have caused and shaped their ailment and suffering, and the identification of their required current care, would demand more listening on the part of everyone involved. Such listening, Rose argues “would be all to the good.”37

      Other voices in this larger conversation want to bring the diagnosis of schizophrenia to an end for very different reasons. Some psychiatrists, psychologists, social activists, survivors, ex-patients, and others have argued that the label “schizophrenic” is stigmatizing, due to the connotations of hopelessness, chronicity, and even dangerousness, that it carries. In response to this and to patients’ suffering, they seek alternative, less discriminatory, and more appealing, diagnoses. “Extreme mental states,” “voice-hearing,” “non-ordinary states,” or “diverse identities” are but a few of these suggested alternative designations.

      As Hacking observed, the idea that it is impossible to retroactively diagnose individuals is a product of the “academically correct official history-of-medicine or philosophy-of-science teaching.”38 Nevertheless, if we set aside academic propriety and the potential self-righteousness it implies, we can follow Hacking and still carefully draw inferences from the way past cases were viewed by contemporary experts. The first chapter in this book thus uses foundational texts in Western culture, ranging from the Bible all the way up to Eugen Bleuler, to reconstruct the origins of the dispute on the relations between the normal and the abnormal (distinctness vs. continuity) when diagnosing individuals who suffer from a severe break in their perception of reality and withdraw from engagement with their social groups.

      In Chapter 2, “The Birth of ‘the Schizophrenias,’” we introduce the two major modern authorities on schizophrenia of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Emil Kraepelin and Eugen Bleuler. In their paradigmatic texts – Kraepelin’s Psychiatry: A Textbook for Students and Physicians (1896) and Bleuler’s Dementia Praecox or the Group of Schizophrenias (1911) – we will locate the crucial terminological change that appeared in the emergence of modern psychiatry’s dispute over the nature of mental disorders, when the older category of dementia praecox was replaced with the new term, schizophrenia. As we will see, Kraepelin’s and Bleuler’s works can be considered as condensed forms of the two competing – categorical vs. dimensional – paradigms, which remain at the very heart of current debates on schizophrenia.

      Chapter 4, “A Moving Target,” examines how the diagnosis of schizophrenia has changed over time. Tracing the definition of schizophrenia in the DSM from 1952 to 2013, this chapter analyzes the critiques and commentaries that professional task forces, activists, journalists, patients, and families have extended to every definition of schizophrenia proposed in the manual’s seven different editions. It concludes with the DSM-5’s declaration that it will systematically consider ethical questions and pragmatic matters in its efforts to revise the classification of psychiatric disorders.

      In light of these ethical considerations, Chapter 5, “Hearing Voices,” then discusses a relatively new form of protest against the diagnosis of schizophrenia. It discusses the example of the Hearing Voices Movement (HVM), which challenges the pathologization of voice-hearing and its systematic association with the diagnosis of schizophrenia. Indeed, while hearing voices was historically considered as one of the central symptoms of schizophrenia, the Hearing Voices Movement depicts it as a natural part of human experience, one that should


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