Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval History. Paul Vinogradoff

Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval History - Paul Vinogradoff


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de Katerina filia Thome prepositi que est de con[dicione sokemannorum?] bondorum de Kingesripton.... Rogerus de Kellawe extraneus qui se maritauit cuidam Katerine filie Thome prepositi de Kingesripton que est de nacione et condicione eiusdem ville venit et petiit in curia nomine filiorum suorum ex legitimo matrimonio exeuntium de corpore prefate Katerine illas vi acras terre.... (Juratores dicunt) quod nichil inde sciunt nec aliquid super isto articulo presentare volunt ad presens. Et sic infecto negocio maximo contemptu domini et balliuorum suorum extra curiam recesserunt. Et ideo preceptum est balliuis quod die in … faciant de eisdem juratis xl solidos ad opus domini.'

235

Stoneleigh Reg., 30 (Edward II injunction): 'Et quidam forinseci qui sokemanni non sunt auctoritate sua propria et per negligenciam dicti Abbatis et conuentus, ut dicitur, a quibusdam sokemannorum illorum quasdam terras et tenementa alienaverunt. Nos igitur super premissis plenius certiorari uolentes assignavimus vos una cum his, quos vobis associaveritis, ad inquirendum qui sokemanni huiusmodi terras et tenementa ibidem alienauerunt huiusmodi forinsecis aut extrinsecis et quibus,' etc. Cf. the Statute of 1 Richard II, Stat. 1. cap. 6. It was altogether a dangerous transaction for the socmen, because they were risking their privileges thereby. It must have been lucrative.

236

Placitorum Abbrev., p. 270 (Coram Rege, Mich. 7/8 Edw. I): 'Et eciam comperto in libro de Domesday quod non fit aliqua mencio de sokemannis set tantummodo de villanis et servis et eciam comperto per inquisicionem quod multi eorum sunt adventicii quibus tenementa sua tradita fuerunt ad voluntatem dominorum suorum … consideraverunt quod predictus Galfridus eat inde sine die et quod predicti homines teneant tenementa predicta in predicto manerio per servilia servicia si voluerint, salvo statu corporum suorum, et quod de cetero non possunt clamare aliquod certum statum et sint in misericordia pro falso clameo.'

237

Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237.

238

Bracton, f. 7.

239

Dialogus de Scaccario, i. 10: 'Post regni conquisitionem, post justam rebellium subversionem, cum rex ipse regisque proceres loca nova perlustrarent, facta est inquisitio diligens, qui fuerint qui contra regem in bello dimicantes per fugam se salvaverint. His omnibus et item haeredibus eorum qui in bello occubuerunt, spes omnis terrarum et fundorum atque redituum, quos ante possederant, praeclusa est; magnum namque reputabant frui vitae beneficio sub inimicis. Verum qui vocati ad bellum nec dum convenerant, vel familiaribus vel quibuslibet necessariis occupati negotiis non interfuerant, cum tractu temporis devotis obsequiis gratiam dominorum possedissent, sine spe successionis, sibi tantum pro voluptate (voluntate?) tamen dominorum possidere coeperunt. Succedente vero tempore cum dominis suis odiosi passim a possessionibus pellerentur, nec esset qui ablata restitueret, communis indigenarum ad regem pervenit querimonia, quasi sic omnibus exosi et rebus spoliati ad alienigenas transire cogerentur. Communicato tandem super his consilio, decretum est, ut quod a dominis suis exigentibus meritis interveniente pactione legitima poterant obtinere, illis inviolabili jure concederentur; ceterum autem nomine successionis a temporibus subactae gentis nihil sibi vendicarent.'

240

Stoneleigh Reg., 4 a: 'Que quidem maneria existencia in possessione et manu domini regis Edwardi per universum regnum vocantur antiquum dominicum corone regis Anglie prout in libro de Domesday continetur.'

241

'Loquebantur de tempore Sti Edwardi Regis coram W. de Wilton.'

242

The men of King's Ripton.

243

I do not think there is any ground for the suggestion thrown out by M. Kovalevsky in the Law Quarterly, iv. p. 271, namely, that the law of ancient demesne was imported from Normandy. Whatever the position of the villains was in the Duchy, Norman influence in England made for subjection, because it was the influence of conquest. It must be remembered that in a sense the feudal law of England was the hardest of all in Western Europe, and this on account of the invasion.

244

Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 454: 'In those estates, which, when they had been held by the crown since the reign of Edward the Confessor, bore the title of manors in ancient demesne, very much of the ancient popular process had been preserved without any change, and to the present day some customs are maintained in them which recall the most primitive institutions.' I shall have to speak about the mode of holding the courts in another chapter.

245

Brunner, Entstehung der Schwurgerichte, has made an epoch in the discussion of this phenomenon.

246

I shall treat at length of the Norman Conquest in my third essay.

247

Leg. Will. Conq. i. 29 (Schmid, p. 340).

248

Thorold Rogers has made great use of this last class of manorial documents in his well-known books.

249

Bracton, 271 b.

250

Bracton, 124.

251

Cartulary of Malmesbury (Rolls Series), ii. 186: 'Videlicet quod prefatus Ricardus concessit praedictis abbati et conventui et eorum tenentibus, tam rusticis, quam liberis—quod ipsi terras suas libere pro voluntate sua excolant.'

252

As to the Warwickshire Hundred Roll in the Record Office, see my letter in the Athenæum, 1883, December 22.

253

Rot. Hundred. ii. 471, a: 'Libere tenentes prioris de Swaveseia.... Henricus Palmer—1 mesuagium et 3 rodas terre reddens 12 d. et 2 precarias. Servi Adam scot tenet 10 acras reddens 4 s. et 6 precarias.... Cotarii....'

254

Rot. Hundred. ii. 715, a: 'In servitute tenentes. Assunt et ibidem 10 tenentes qui tenent 10 virgatas terre in villenagio et operantur ad voluntatem domini et reddunt per annum 25 s.'

255

Rot. Hundred. ii. 690, 691: 'Villani—servi—custumarii. Et tenent ut villani, ut servi, ut libere tenentes.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 544, b: 'De custumariis Johannes Samar tenet 1 mesuagium et 1 croft … per servicium 3 sol. 2 d. et secabit 2 acras et dim., falcabit per 1 diem. De servis. Nicholaus Dilkes tenet 15 acras—et faciet per annum 144 opera et metet 2 acras. De aliis servis … De cotariis … De aliis cotariis.'

256

Rot. Hundred. ii. 528, a: 'Henr. de Walpol habet latinos (corr. nativos), qui tenent 180 acras terre et redd. 10 libr. et 8 sol. et 4 d. et ob. Nomina eorum qui tenent de Henrico de Walpol in villenagio.' Chapter House, County Boxes, Salop. 14, c: 'Libere tenentes … Coterelli … Nativi.'

257

Hale, in his Introduction to the Domesday of St. Paul's, xxiv, speaks of the 'nativi a principio' of Navestock, and distinguishes them from the villains. 'The ordinary praedial services due from the tenentes or villani were not required to be performed in person, and whether in the manor or out of it the villanus was not in legal language "sub potestate domini." Not so the nativus.' Hale's explanation is not correct, but the twofold division is noticed by him.

258

Domesday of St. Paul's, 157 (Articuli visitationis): 'An villani sive custumarii vendant terras. Item, an nativi custumarii maritaverunt filias—vel vendiderint vitulum—vel arbores—succidant.' A Suffolk case is even more clear. Registrum cellararii of Bury St. Edmunds, Cambridge University Gg. iv. 4, f. 30, b: 'Gersumarius vel custumarius qui nativus est.... Antecessor recognovit se nativum domini abbatis in curia domini regis.'

259

Cartulary of Eynsham in Oxfordshire, MS. of the Chapter of Christ Church in Oxford, N. 27, p. 25, a: 'In primis Willelmus le Brewester nativus domini tenet de dictis prato et terris…'

260

Eynsham Cartulary, 49. b: 'Johannes Kolyns nativus domini tenet 1 virgatam terre cum pertinenciis in bondagio.'

261

Cartulary of St. Mary of Worcester (Camden Series), 15. a: 'Nativi, cum ad aetatem pervenerint nisi immediate serviant patri—faciant 4 benripas et forinsici similiter.' Survey of Okeburn, Q.R. Anc. Miscell. Alien Priories, 2/2: 'Aliquis nativus non potest recedere sine licencia neque catalla amovere nec extraneus libertatem dominorum


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