The Life of Galileo Galilei, with Illustrations of the Advancement of Experimental Philosophy. John Elliot Drinkwater Bethune
target="_blank" rel="nofollow" href="#ulink_3ef0e9a2-fda2-5b3e-b0e2-c1edc1ca249e">[25] "Galileo tells me he has written to you, and has got your book, which however he denied to Magini, and I abused him for praising you with too many qualifications. I know it to be a fact that, both in his lectures, and elsewhere, he is publishing your inventions as his own; but I have taken care, and shall continue to do so, that all this shall redound not to his credit but to yours." The only notice which Kepler took of these repeated insinuations, which appear to have been utterly groundless, was, by renewed expressions of respect and admiration, to testify the value he set upon his friend and fellow-labourer in philosophy.
FOOTNOTES:
[17] Dion Cassius, lib. 37.
[18] The pretended translation by Roberval of an Arabic version of Aristarchus, "De Systemate Mundi," in which the Copernican system is fully developed, is spurious. Menage asserts this in his observations on Diogen. Laert. lib. 8, sec. 85, tom. ii., p. 389. (Ed. Amst. 1692.) The commentary contains many authorities well worth consulting. Delambre, Histoire de l'Astronomie, infers it from its not containing some opinions which Archimedes tells us were held by Aristarchus. A more direct proof may be gathered from the following blunder of the supposed translator. Astronomers had been long aware that the earth in different parts of her orbit is at different distances from the sun. Roberval wished to claim for Aristarchus the credit of having known this, and introduced into his book, not only the mention of the fact, but an explanation of its cause. Accordingly he makes Aristarchus give a reason "why the sun's apogee (or place of greatest distance from the earth) must always be at the north summer solstice." In fact, it was there, or nearly so, in Roberval's time, and he knew not but that it had always been there. It is however moveable, and, when Aristarchus lived, was nearly half way between the solstices and equinoxes. He therefore would hardly have given a reason for the necessity of a phenomenon of which, if he observed anything on the subject, he must have observed the contrary. The change in the obliquity of the earth's axis to the ecliptic was known in the time of Roberval, and he accordingly has introduced the proper value which it had in Aristarchus's time.
[19] De Cœlo. lib. 2.
[20] Paradise Lost, b. viii. v. 83.
[21] Itaque tam circulos primi motus quam orbes secundorum mobilium reverâ in cœlesti corpore esse concludimus, &c. Non ergo sunt mera figmenta, quibus extra mentem nihil correspondeat. M. Maestlini, De Astronomiæ Hypothesibus disputatio. Heidelbergæ, 1582.
[22] Opuscula Philosophica, Thema Cœli.
[23] "Nobis constat falsissimum esse." De Aug. Scient. lib. iii. c. 3, 1623.
[24] Id autum eò libentius faciam, quod in Copernici sententiam multis abhinc annis venerim.—Kepl. Epistolæ.
[25] Kepleri Epistolæ.
Chapter V.
Galileo re-elected Professor at Padua—New star—Compass of proportion—Capra—Gilbert—Proposals to return to Pisa—Lost writings—Cavalieri.
Galileo's reputation was now rapidly increasing: his lectures were attended by many persons of the highest rank; among whom were the Archduke Ferdinand, afterwards Emperor of Germany, the Landgrave of Hesse, and the Princes of Alsace and Mantua. On the expiration of the first period for which he had been elected professor, he was rechosen for a similar period, with a salary increased to 320 florins. The immediate occasion of this augmentation is said by Fabroni,[26] to have arisen out of the malice of an ill wisher of Galileo, who, hoping to do him disservice, apprized the senate that he was not married to Marina Gamba, then living with him, and the mother of his son Vincenzo. Whether or not the senate might consider themselves entitled to inquire into the morality of his private life, it was probably from a wish to mark their sense of the informer's impertinence, that they returned the brief answer, that "if he had a family to provide for, he stood the more in need of an increased stipend."
During Galileo's residence at Padua, and, according to Viviani's intimation, towards the thirtieth year of his age, that is to say in 1594, he experienced the first attack of a disease which pressed heavily on him for the rest of his life. He enjoyed, when a young man, a healthy and vigorous constitution, but chancing to sleep one afternoon near an open window, through which was blowing a current of air cooled artificially by the fall of water, the consequences were most disastrous to him. He contracted a sort of chronic complaint, which showed itself in acute pains in his limbs, chest, and back, accompanied with frequent hæmorrhages and loss of sleep and appetite; and this painful disorder thenceforward never left him entirely, but recurred intermittingly, with greater or less violence, as long as he lived. Others of the party did not even escape so well, but died shortly after committing this imprudence.
In 1604, the attention of astronomers was called to the contemplation of a new star, which appeared suddenly with great splendour in the constellation Serpentarius, or Ophiuchus, as it is now more commonly called. Maestlin, who was one of the earliest to notice it, relates his observations in the following words: "How wonderful is this new star! I am certain that I did not see it before the 29th of September, nor indeed, on account of several cloudy nights, had I a good view till the 6th of October. Now that it is on the other side of the sun, instead of surpassing Jupiter as it did, and almost rivalling Venus, it scarcely matches the Cor Leonis, and hardly surpasses Saturn. It continues however to shine with the same bright and strongly sparkling light, and changes its colours almost with every moment; first tawny, then yellow, presently purple and red, and, when it has risen above the vapours, most frequently white." This was by no means an unprecedented phenomenon; and the curious reader may find in Riccioli[27] a catalogue of the principal new stars which have at different times appeared. There is a tradition of a similar occurrence as early as the times of the Greek astronomer Hipparchus, who is said to have been stimulated by it to the formation of his catalogue of the stars; and only thirty-two years before, in 1572, the same remarkable phenomenon in the constellation Cassiopeia was mainly instrumental in detaching the celebrated Tycho Brahe from the chemical studies, which till then divided his attention with astronomy. Tycho's star disappeared at the end of two years; and at that time Galileo was a child. On the present occasion, he set himself earnestly to consider the new phenomenon, and embodied the results of his observations in three lectures, which have been unfortunately lost. Only the exordium of the first has been preserved: in this he reproaches his auditors with their general insensibility to the magnificent wonders of creation daily exposed to their view, in no respect less admirable than the new prodigy, to hear an explanation of which they had hurried in crowds to his lecture room. He showed, from the absence of parallax, that the new star could not be, as the vulgar hypothesis represented, a mere meteor engendered in our atmosphere and nearer the earth than the moon, but must be situated among the most remote heavenly bodies. This was inconceivable to the Aristotelians, whose notions of a perfect, simple, and unchangeable sky were quite at variance with the introduction of any such new body; and we may perhaps consider