Economic Citizenship. Amalia Sa’ar

Economic Citizenship - Amalia Sa’ar


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society groups.

      In 2002 I was commissioned by the National Insurance Institute (NII), the major state agency in charge of welfare benefits, to do evaluation research of A Business of One’s Own, following NII’s entry into this project as a donor and strategic partner. As part of this study I carried out six months of participant observation in an Arabic-speaking economic empowerment course in Haifa, followed by another six months of less intense observations at the escort meetings for the graduates who opened businesses. For the three and a half years of the study, I also participated in periodic meetings of the projects’ steering committee, attended events that EEW held for its employees and volunteers, and collected relevant articles published in the local press. Throughout this period, I kept a systematic record of my observations, informal conversations, and reflections.

      Besides my direct participant observations, the Microentrepreneurship Study escorted, over the course of three and a half years, fifteen groups, each averaging twenty participants. Fifty-one percent of them were Arabic speakers, the rest predominantly Hebrew speakers. Groups were located in different parts of Israel and covered a wide diversity of linguistic, religious, and ethnic backgrounds. Jewish participants included Mizrahi and Ashkenazi; secular, observant, and ultra-Orthodox women; Hebrew speakers; and recent immigrants. Palestinian participants included women living in cities, villages, and semiurbanized communities. They were mostly Muslims, but there were also Christian women and one group of Bedouins. The members of these groups answered two rounds of structured questionnaires (239 in the first round and 195 in the second), administered to them by research assistants upon their enrollment in the project and again a year later after they completed the course and the business escort period. Fifty-eight of them also gave us open-ended, face-to-face life-history interviews, of which I conducted five (in Arabic) and several research assistants conducted the rest. All the in-depth interviews were recorded and transcribed. Five of them, in Russian, were also translated into Hebrew. Lastly, I conducted four focus groups with participants and graduates of the courses, and fourteen semistructured interviews with EEW staff members and freelancers, and with some of their local partners in the Haifa-based course.

      After the official completion of the study and the submission of my report to the NII (Sa’ar 2007c), I decided to expand my research to the field of social economy more generally. I was also eager to break away from the position of evaluator, with which I was very uncomfortable. I now aimed at a more open-ended exploration of the structural dynamics of the field, asking comparative and theoretical questions rather than being bound by issues of “success” and “failure,” which I had regarded all along as discursive preoccupations integral to the field. Thanks to financial support from the Israel Science Foundation (ISF) I was able to move to this more open-ended phase of the study a year after I completed the first one. In 2007 I returned to EEW to conduct a second round of participant observations in an economic empowerment course. This time it was in Hebrew, and again took place in my home town of Haifa. The funding from the ISF also allowed me to conduct research with two other organizations, al-Tufula and Mahut Center, which are described in the following sections, and to hold more interviews with professionals and functionaries in the field.

      Atida—Training Palestinian Women to Be Employees

      In 2010 I was invited to research two of al-Tufula’s projects. One, called Atida, was an economic empowerment project conducted collaboratively by four organizations and a large philanthropic foundation, which also acted as a strategic partner. Here I was invited to be an evaluator by the representative of the donor organization. While the project did not belong to al-Tufula alone, this body managed the actual activity: the classes and workshops, the bulk of the administration, and most of the meetings of the partners. It was also the direct employer of three of the five employees hired to work in the project. By the end of a three-year pilot, the partnership of the four organizations that ran Atida dissolved and the project in its new phase became fully absorbed by al-Tufula. My involvement was during the second year.

       introduce a working model for partnership among expert organizations

       introduce a working model for working with women, based on acknowledgment of their capacities, and escort them through the training and job placement to help them keep their jobs and obtain all their rights

       be an address for any Arab woman in search of a job

       change the attitudes of Israeli employers to make them more open to employ Arab women.

       develop and disseminate unique, culturally sensitive knowledge and tools by integrating formal and practical expertise, in order to promote the employment of Arab women.

      In practice, Atida compiled a database of women job seekers in the Nazareth area and a parallel database of potential employers. It offered intense two-month courses in skill enhancement (primarily Hebrew language, computer, and Internet skills) and general empowerment, intended to nurture among the participants a sense of entitlement to work for wages. It accompanied its graduates through the job search and during their early stages on the job. A planned component that did not mature during the pilot period was to work directly with both Arab and Jewish employers to encourage them to absorb Arab women into their ranks.

      The two main tools used in this research (see Sa’ar 2011) were semistructured interviews with sixteen of the participants and with all twelve professionals employed in the project, as well as observations during selected sessions of the course. Research assistant Noor Falah conducted all the interviews with the participants and most of the observations; occasionally I substituted her. Both of us together held the interviews with the professionals. All the interviews were recorded and transcribed.

      Sawa—Community Empowerment of Women in a Bedouin Village in Galilee

      Between 2003 and 2011 al-Tufula conducted a community empowerment project with women in several Bedouin villages in Galilee that had been unrecognized for decades and therefore suffered extreme deprivation of the bare basics of infrastructure and social services. Until the mid-1990s these villages had no sewer systems, running water, electricity, or roads; no public transportation, telephone lines, or proper building permits; no schools or medical clinics (Kanaaneh et al. 1995). These extreme conditions started to improve after the villages gained state recognition, although by 2010 they were still highly deficient (Hossein 2012). Al-Tufula started working with women in six villages, at first in collaboration with other grassroots organizations and afterwards on its own, inspiring holistic, community-oriented feminist empowerment. It was determined to break away from the common tendency to focus on the needs of the women, who are on the very edge of the social periphery and indeed face tremendous objective difficulties, and instead engage them from the start as capable and knowledgeable agents.

      For nearly a decade al-Tufula representatives paid regular visits to the villages, dedicating the first two years to reaching out and building trust among the women; later, groups of village


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