Japan's Total Empire. Louise Young
1931
5. New corporations in Manchukuo and the Kwantung Leased Territory, January 1932–December 1937
6. Growth of Japanese population in selected Manchukuo cities
7. Japanese hotel patrons in selected Manchukuo cities, 1934–1939
8. Japanese overseas population in 1930
9. Emigration by prefecture
10. Village colonization model budget
11. Emigration targets and percentage of target achieved
12. Marichurian emigration, 1932–1945
13. Number of Youth Brigade recruits by age, 1940–1942
14. Conscription of Manchurian settlers
15. Violent deaths during evacuation, August-September 1945
Acknowledgments
Without the support of numerous individuals and institutions, this study could never have been completed; their help is gratefully acknowledged. Carol Gluck gave timely and inspirational support at every stage of the project, from her help in shaping its conceptual categories when it was still a dissertation proposal, to her suggestions for some last-minute improvements to the conclusion when it had become a book. Meticulous readings by Elizabeth Blackmar, Henry Smith, Arthur Tiedemann, Jack Snyder, and especially John Dower helped me rethink and reframe my ideas. Geoffrey Chambers, K
vin Shea, Elizabeth Tsunoda, Barbara Sat, Kim Brandt, and Crawford Young were always available to read and discuss drafts. Laura Hein, Yanni Kotsonis, Kären Wigen, Roger Chickering, Sat Kazuki, Julie Rousseau, Hyung Gu Lynn, Emily Young, and Imura Tetsuo made helpful suggestions on sections of the book. Carol Gluck's graduate seminars at Columbia University provided both insight and enthusiasm in generous measure, as did Carter Eckert's students at Harvard. For sharing with me in Japan their advice, contacts, and considerable private libraries I am indebted to Igarashi Takeshi, Eguchi Keiichi, Okabe Makio, Asada Kyji, Awaya Kentar, Kimijima Kazuhiko, Kobayashi Hideo, Okamoto Kichi, and Yanagisawa Asobu. The staffs of the Tokyo University Libraries, the National Diet Library, the Tokyo Chamber of Commerce Library, Waseda Library, and the Kindai Bungakukan provided service which frequently transcended the call of duty. I am particularly grateful to Ikuta Atsuko at the Ie no hikari kykai Reference Department, Shiraishi Hiroshi at the National Institute for Defense Studies, and Imura Tetsuo at the Institute of Developing Economies. Financial assistance was provided by Columbia University during the fall of 1988, by the Japan Foundation for fourteen months of research in Tokyo from January 1989 through the spring of 1990, and by the Giles Whiting Foundation for dissertation write-up during 1990–1991. Special thanks are due to the Reischauer institute for offering a congenial environment and the financial support that enabled me to begin to turn a dissertation into a book.Note on Sources
Most primary materials cited in the notes can be located in the following Tokyo archives: Tokyo University Libraries, Waseda University Library, National Diet Library, Kindai bungakukan, le no hikari ky
kai, Tokyo Chamber of Commerce, and the Institute of Developing Economies. Unless otherwise indicated, the place of publication for all Japanese-language publications is Tokyo.PART I
THE MAKING OF
A TOTAL EMPIRE
1 Manchukuo and Japan
Today the words “Empire of Japan” evoke multiple meanings: one set of images for former colonial subjects, another for former enemies in the Pacific War, and yet another for the Japanese themselves. No epoch did more to inscribe these words with meaning than the period between 1931 and 1945, when Japan moved aggressively to expand its overseas territory, occupying first China and then Southeast Asia, and initiating a series of military conflicts against Nationalist and Communist forces in China, against the Soviet Union, against the United States, and against the British Empire. At the heart of the new empire Japan won and then lost in the military engagements of these years lay the puppet state of Manchukuo in Northeast China.
Although Manchukuo was created in 1932, its roots went back to 1905, when Japan acquired a sphere of influence in the southern half of Manchuria as a result of victory in the Russo-Japanese War. A mix of formal and informal elements, the South Manchurian sphere of influence was anchored by long-term leases on the Liaodong Peninsula and on lands held by Japan's colonial railway company, the South Manchurian Railway, which the Japanese knew as Mantetsu. Over these leased territories, which represented but a small fraction of South Manchuria, Japan ruled directly through a formal colonial apparatus. Over the rest of South Manchuria Japan exerted influence indirectly, through the relationship with local Chinese rulers, through economic dominance of the market, and through the constant threat of force by its garrison army.
The first phase of Japanese involvement situated the sphere of influence in Manchuria within a rapidly expanding empire. By the end of World War I, the empire included Taiwan, Korea, the Pacific island chains the Japanese called Nan'yo, the southern half of Sakhalin, as well as participation in the unequal treaty system in China. Initially, Manchuria occupied a peripheral position within this wider empire: it was neither the strategic focus of foreign policy nor the site where key innovations in imperial management took place. But all this changed after 1931, as Japanese focused their energies on the construction of a new kind of empire in the Northeast.
The new face of empire showed itself in three areas of activity—military conquest, economic development, and mass migration. First, under the guidance of the garrison force known as the Kwantung Army, thousands spilled their blood in a series of military campaigns from 1931 to 1933 collectively designated the Manchurian Incident. In the course of these campaigns, Japan brought all of Manchuria under military occupation, extending formal control to the Amur River and the border of Soviet Siberia in the north, and to the Great Wall, cf China in the south. Second, under a new regime of colonial management known as the controlled economy, the Japanese-run Manchukuo government conducted a bold experiment in planned economic development and state capitalism. The project involved the integration of the two economies, tying Manchurian development to domestic production goals through the creation of the Japan-Manchuria bloc economy. Third, an ambitious plan to send five million Japanese farmers to settle in the Manchurian hinterland was designed to create a new generation of “continental Japanese” who would secure a more thorough domination of colonial society. Linking social policy in the metropolis and the empire, the Japanese government sought to make the Manchurian population 10 percent Japanese through the export of impoverished tenant farmers, who were the most visible manifestation of Japan's rural crisis,
In the service of these three endeavors, over a million Japanese soldiers, entrepreneurs, and agricultural emigrants crossed the waters that separated Japan from the continent. While they invested their futures and sometimes their lives in the building of Manchukuo, at home many times their number labored over the empire in indirect, though no less essential, ways. During the military campaigns of the Manchurian Incident a wave of war hysteria swept Japanese society. War fever generated