Militant Anti-Fascism. M. Testa
the demo that gave the order to fire.
The split between the SPD and KPD was cultural as much as ideological: it was along lines of unemployed and worker, revolutionary and reformist, younger generation and older, and so on. Members of the KPD were often on the fringes of electoral politics and, like the Nazis, had a particular attraction for the younger and more rebellious elements—something that John Hiden confirms in Republican and Fascist Germany: ‘The KPD supporter was more likely than the SPD follower to be young, unskilled and above all unemployed.’97 These are some of the reasons that a hoped-for left-wing block vote against the Nazis failed to happen.
Endnotes:
1 A.J. Nicholls, Weimar and the Rise of Hitler (London: Macmillan, 1968), 23.
2 Ibid., 24.
3 Ibid., 47.
4 Evelyn Anderson, Hammer or Anvil: The Story of the German Working Class Movement (London: Victor Gollancz, 1945), 86.
5 Ibid., 60.
6 Ibid., 74–75.
7 Ibid., 85.
8 Ibid., 53–4.
9 Stephen J. Lee, The Weimar Republic (London: Routledge, 1998), 52.
10 C.C.W. Szejnmann, Nazism in Central Germany: The Brownshirts in ‘Red’ Saxony (New York: Berghahn Publishers, 1999), 62.
11 Peter H. Merkl, The Making of a Stormtrooper (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 11.
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