Poetry Night at the Ballpark and Other Scenes from an Alternative America. Bill Kauffman

Poetry Night at the Ballpark and Other Scenes from an Alternative America - Bill Kauffman


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need that an old friend should stand by him.”

      Hawthorne stood by him until the end. In May 1864, Pierce escorted an enfeebled Hawthorne on a carriage tour of New Hampshire’s White Mountains. Death came to the author in middlenight, as Pierce slept in an adjacent room at a Plymouth, N.H. inn. In gathering the deceased’s possessions, Pierce found an old pocketbook in the bottom of Hawthorne’s valise. Its only content was a picture of the best Presidential friend a novelist ever had: poor desolated Franklin Pierce.

      From the Outhouse to the White House

      The American Enterprise, 1997

      The things writers do for money.

      Nathaniel Hawthorne wrote his wife, “I want nothing to do with politicians—they are not men; they cease to be men, in becoming politicians. Their hearts wither away, and die out of their bodies.” But that was before Hawthorne’s old Bowdoin College chum, the affable Franklin Pierce, won the 1852 Democratic presidential nomination. Hawthorne dashed off an encomiastic Life of Franklin Pierce, and was rewarded with a consulship at Liverpool.

      Salem’s Nat was mucking about in fertile soil. The campaign biography, with its often hilariously fulsome tributes, had been a staple since Andrew Jackson was lauded in a volume by Senator John Henry Eaton (whose barmaid wife had so offended Mrs. John C. Calhoun). Thirty such books were written for candidate William Henry Harrison in 1840, as the Virginia aristocrat metamorphosed into a cidery man of the people.

      The astonishing thing is that so many accomplished novelists joined the deluge. William Dean Howells, not yet twenty-five, did the honors for Abraham Lincoln in 1860, and so he spent the war as a consul in Venice rather than as a blue-coated soldier. (Howells later penned a bio of his wife’s cousin, Rutherford B. Hayes.) Lew Wallace (Ben Hur) put Benjamin Harrison aboard a chariot of his own, and Kenneth Roberts strove to animate Calvin Coolidge (though his mention of Silent Cal’s Indian blood panicked the boys at the Republican National Committee).

      Historian Edmund B. Sullivan laid down the rules of the genre, including:

      —“Stress humble beginnings . . . a birth in a log cabin or on a farm is helpful, or in a small frame house. . . . [I]f the candidate was ever associated with New York City, gloss over that fact.”

      —“Play down specific religious beliefs; emphasize vaguely positive feelings toward religion.”

      —“Ex-generals must be basically men of peace.”

      —“Stress favorable nickname, if masculine sounding; invent one, if necessary.” (Yet how in 1988 could “Poppy” have defeated “Duke”?)

      The candidate’s rise from lowly station to colossus is Algeresque; and indeed, Horatio himself wrote From Canal Boy to President, a life of James Garfield.

      Widowed mothers were especially prized. Of Kentucky’s Great Compromiser, one biographer swooned, “Much as we admire Henry Clay . . . the Statesman . . . yet do we love far more to dwell upon the ‘orphan-boy’ following the plough in the slashes of Hanover, and occasionally trudging his way, with a grist of corn, to a distant mill, to provide bread for a widowed mother and younger brothers and sisters.”

      Sophisticated moderns may laugh, but much of the corporate-media coverage of Bill Clinton belonged to this school of hagiography—though previous generations had the taste not to drag alcoholic stepfathers into the picture.

      Surveying the field in 1956, James D. Hart singled out for meritorious silk-purse-making the McKinley biographer who marveled of his subject that “his shoes are always polished” and “he shaves himself . . . never cuts himself . . . and can carry on a conversation while cutting off his beard.” A Thomas Dewey idolator praised the Owosso prig’s height of five feet, eight inches because it was “almost precisely the same as the average of the men in the armed forces.”

      Hart opined that the campaign bio “still flourishes . . . as indestructible as the folk dream of the log cabin,” but the old grey fare she ain’t what she used to be.

      They’re still written, of course, but men of letters are no longer on such intimate terms with men of state. John Tyler, for instance, sent Washington Irving to Spain and John Howard Payne (“Home Sweet Home”) to Tunis. Even Grover Cleveland, Uncle Jumbo, who didn’t devour fiction in quite the same way he made slabs of beef disappear, counted among his confidants Harold Frederic (The Damnation of Theron Ware). Yet when contemporary presidents look beyond the Potomac for ambassadors and friends, they select washed-up actors or courtesans. Harold Frederic, meet Babs Streisand.

      Saul Bellow toyed with the idea of a Humphrey book in 1968, but the genre today is thoroughly hack-ridden, and besides, the ghosted “autobiography” has become the volume of choice. Politicos who shamelessly read other men’s words at poignant passages in their lives (Teddy Kennedy eulogizing a slain brother, Bob Dole bidding farewell to the Senate) may as well tack their own names onto the covers of campaign bios, making them autobios and gaining royalties withal.

      But maybe everything that dies someday comes back. For at this very moment might some ambitious scrivener be sweating over Plowboy From St. Albans: The Life of Albert Gore?

      The John Wilkes Booth of American Poetry

      The American Enterprise, 1999

      Once upon a time, Americans bought books of poetry, and no volume was better loved than Edgar Lee Masters’s Spoon River Anthology (1915), that erstwhile staple of high-school English class in which an Illinois town is revealed by the epitaphs on its cemetery tombstones.

      Masters was a Chicago lawyer and one-time partner of Clarence Darrow, whom he disdained as a headline-hogging welsher. (He refuses to mention Darrow by name in his splenetic autobiography.) But Edgar Lee Masters came from the Land of Lincoln—Menard County—and his single most enduring poem mythicized the girl whose early death may or may not have been the emotional climacteric of Abraham Lincoln’s life:

      I am Anne Rutledge who sleep beneath these weeds,

      Beloved in life of Abraham Lincoln,

      Wedded to him, not through union,

      But through separation.

      Bloom forever, O Republic,

      From the dust of my bosom!

      In a span of sixteen years, Masters went from cherished prairie poet to reviled heretic. For in 1931 he published Lincoln: The Man, a biography of passionate bitterness and patriotic rage. Masters, you see, was a Stephen Douglas man who thought it time to even the score, given that “[t]he political history of America has been written . . . by centralists and . . . New England.”

      The poet was an old-fashioned states-rights Democrat with a populist bent and a burning enmity toward the Republican Party, which was “conceived in hatred and mothered in hatred.” His grievance was that “every President since Lincoln has imitated Lincoln instead of Jefferson,” and his intention was to bring all those statues of Honest Abe crashing to the ground, for only by smashing the Lincoln myth might America “rise out of the hypocrisy and the materialism into which it was sunk by the War.”

      In Masters’s telling, Lincoln was “cold,” “undersexed” (Mary Todd was no Anne Rutledge!), and a “Jehovah man” who may not have believed in God but fancied himself in the role, Old Testament style. Masters is relentless, scourging Lincoln for over 500 pages as intellectually lethargic, unkempt, utterly lacking the milk of human kindness, and a mediocre lawyer to boot.

      The book was an act of professional suicide for Masters—himself a cold, though decidedly not undersexed, man—but one that he was born to write. His family homestead was just seven miles from Lincoln’s New Salem, Illinois. Masters’s grandfather had once retained lawyer Lincoln in a land dispute—which Lincoln lost. Grandfather Masters served in the Illinois legislature, where he voted against U.S. Senate candidate Abraham Lincoln “because he thought Lincoln’s policies would bring on war between the states.”

      Hardin Wallace Masters, the poet’s


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