Pirate Nation. David Childs

Pirate Nation - David Childs


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term for pirate most applicable to those based in the Barbary States.21 Although Alexander McKee’s excellent study of Drake’s circumnavigation is entitled The Queen’s Corsair, it could equally have been called The Queen’s Pirate, for it was without her disapproval he sailed and seized ships belonging to both Portugal and Spain, neither of which nations was at war with England.

      There were those, like Burghley, Elizabeth’s longest serving and most loyal adviser, who held indominantly to his abhorrence of piracy. Sadly for his sensitivities, Elizabeth did not. But before the queen could reap her unjust rewards, those who would form her piratocracy, her pirateers, had a trade to learn, and a very tough one at that.

       CHAPTER 2

       Apprentice to a Pirate

       There is a tide in the affairs of men

       Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune;

       Omitted, all the voyage of their life

       Is bound in shallows and in miseries.

       On such a full sea are we now afloat,

       And we must take the current when it serves

      William Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, 1599

      At the age of fourteen, the fatherless Martin Frobisher was packed off to the London home of his mother’s relative, the merchant Sir John Yorke. The poor boy’s backwardness won him no preferment as a relative of that aggressive businessman, and Yorke soon decided that he could best fulfil his obligations by sending the young man off to sea. Neither did young Martin’s age or relationship earn him an easy passage. By his later testament ‘he was on the first and second voyages in the parties of Guinea’1 which took place in 1553 and 1554 to a stretch of coastal water that was to claim many an English life through illness, famishment and fighting.

      These were voyages that flouted internationally understood arrangements which recognised Portugal as holding a monopoly on trade in this region; the Portuguese agents in London objected strongly to the proposal, and even tried to kidnap the two Portuguese pilots whom the merchants had hired for their first voyage. At this obstruction the Admiralty Court weighed in, imprisoning the potential saboteurs until they repented of their acts.

      After many delays the adventurers departed on 12 August 1553. Their fleet was commanded by Thomas Wyndham who, having led two trading expeditions to the Barbary Coast, was one of the few Englishmen who had sailed south of Gibraltar. The ships, comprising Lion of London, Primrose and the pinnace Moon, were crewed by 140 seamen and a number of merchants, including the apprentice Martin Frobisher.

      Rather than taking the Portuguese objections seriously and acting with circumspection, Wyndham chose to accept them as a challenge, behaving with a cavalier contempt towards all from that nation whom he encountered. Having called at Madeira for victuals, he sailed and seized two Portuguese vessels just outside the harbour. He then crossed to launch a foiled raid on Deserta Island, retreating with several other ships as prizes. Unsatisfied with the completion of his trade on the Mina Coast, Wyndham subsequently ignored the advice of his Portuguese pilots, carried especially for this role, and sailed into the Bight of Benin, thus becoming one of the first Englishmen to justify the saw: ‘Beware and take care of the Bay of Benin/Where few come out although many go in.’

      Wyndham, along with many of his crew, was soon fatally stricken with Benin’s portfolio of diseases, meaning that Lion had to be abandoned, as too few fit men remained to sail her. Then, possibly because the pilots had lost interest, instead of hauling out into the Atlantic to catch the favourable trade-winds, the ignorant navigators made slow passage homeward, close to the coast and feeding the trailing sharks with the bodies of their dead companions.

      Forty survivors, some of them dying, worked the two frail vessels up the Thames in May 1554. As those unhappy few represented a major saving in wages, the investors were more than content with the goods that were disembarked. The voyage had been an epic of incompetence, during which the crew had endured most of the perils known to English mariners, along with some new ones. Few teenagers would have survived such a deep baptism into life afloat; few would not have been scarred by what they witnessed – Frobisher throve.2 When in November 1554 the next Guinea-bound fleet sailed from Dartmouth under the command of John Lok (whose relative, Michael, would sponsor Frobisher’s voyages to find a northwest passage), Frobisher was embarked.

      This was another three-ship group with Trinity of London the admiral, being accompanied by John Evangelist and Bartholomew. Lok had learned from the earlier errors of Wyndham and his ships sailed directly to what is now the coast of Liberia to purchase pepper and gold. The local traders only insisted on one caveat: that a hostage be landed for the duration of the trading. Whether it was a short straw, a shortage of years, a desire for adventure or, given his emerging character, a wish to be rid of an awkward hand, Frobisher was the one selected to be landed. And thus it was that when a Portuguese warship hove in sight, the English weighed anchor and fled, leaving their young colleague behind them to be locked up in the infamous fort at São Jorge da Minas, where much of the high-value trading goods were stowed for safe-keeping.

      For Frobisher the fort was an open prison and he charmed his jailers sufficiently to be allowed out hunting during his nine-month stay. It was probably over a year before he saw England again. For his foster-father, Sir John Yorke, he was no great loss, being expendable while at sea and an extra mouth to feed when ashore. He certainly does not seem to have considered Frobisher to be worth a ransom. Neither did he indulge in fatted calf-killing when the wanderer returned: Frobisher appears to have been denied both his share of the expedition’s profit and his back pay. A mutual good-riddance ensued.

      A cloud cloaks the activities of the masterless Frobisher for the next few years, although there are some hints that he undertook another two voyages to Guinea, possibly in command. Whether or not he did, he drew the conclusion that piracy paid better and was less dangerous than attempts at semi-legitimate trading. Maybe, following his treatment, he harboured a desire to revenge himself on the merchant class who had considered his life as of so little value, in much the same way as Drake swore to be revenged on the Spanish after their treachery at San Juan de Ulua. Maybe, as a young man who could handle a ship but very little else, he followed a logical career progression. Whatever his reasoning, for the next decade Frobisher was a pirate and, being Frobisher, he made a shambles of it.

      The young pirate’s initial plan does seem to have been based on a good idea. In company with the notorious pirate Henry Strangways (how did they meet?) it seems he intended to make a raid on the fortress store at São Jorge da Minas, the layout of which he would have known in great detail. Still, it was not the best-laid plan and it was totally upset when in September 1559 Strangways was brought before the Admiralty Court, accused of planning this very endeavour. On this occasion the hardened pirate might have considered himself unlucky, not only because accusations of conspiracy were more frequently linked to treasonable plots than plundering expeditions, but also because the subtle difference between breaking trade embargoes and raiding a friendly nation’s warehouses was a distinction based on political expediency, rather than illegal activity. Had the plan remained concealed and a richly rewarding raid taken place, there would have been every possibility that the right size bribe in the right podgy palms would have allowed the miscreants to escape unscathed. In the dock, Strangways laid the blame for the plan on his young friend, a ploy that earned him his pardon. After that one appearance in the court record, Frobisher exits the stage yet again making his next appearance in a farce performed in 1563.

      By this time he had returned to Yorkshire, where his brother John had part-ownership with a John Appleyard of the modestly named ship John Appleyard aka Bark Frobisher (presumably depending whose turn it was to command). Appleyard had obtained letters of marque issued by the French Huguenot leader, the prince of Condé, which probably licensed the holder to seize only French Catholic vessels. Few pirates, many of whom could claim to be illiterate, took notice of the fine print in their authorisations, even when the caveats


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