Speaking Spanish in the US. Janet M. Fuller
behavior but the outcome of it. This is not how we often use the word identity in our everyday lives, so it may take a while to get used to this idea. We will discuss these ideas in great detail in Chapters 5 and 6, but social constructionism is a thread that runs through the entire book. As we noted earlier, we see language as a type of social action, and in this book we explore how people use language in the construction of their own and other people’s identities. In particular, we look at how speaking Spanish can be used to present oneself to the world – as well as how speaking Spanish impacts how people are perceived by others.
There is a constant interaction between our social behavior (including linguistic behavior) and our ideas about the world; they influence each other. To give one example: if speaking Spanish is perceived negatively, Spanish-speakers might avoid speaking it, in order to escape public stigma. However, if people speak Spanish publicly and proudly, this could contribute to a shift in perceptions of the language. The construction of the social meanings of particular language practices and the interactions between language use and perceptions of social reality are a major theme in this book.
Our final overarching theoretical theme in the study of speaking Spanish in the US is linked to critical approaches to the study of language and society. There are many different approaches under this umbrella term of Critical Studies (Critical Discourse Analysis, Critical Race Theory, Critical Philosophy, etc.), but all share the underlying goals of examining phenomena within their sociohistorical context, investigating the relationships between social and political structures and exposing inequalities in society. A major focus is the study of ideologies, and our taken-for-granted ways of thinking about the world, a topic we delve into in great detail in Chapter 4. Implicit in critical approaches is a social constructionist perspective, that is, the idea discussed above that social categories are not fixed but instead are based on social behaviors and societal beliefs. Critical approaches ask us to question unexamined social norms and social categories. When we do, and we look critically at things taken as ‘common sense,’ the underlying assumptions and biases become clear, as well as the ways in which these assumptions serve powerful interests and reinforce inequality.
An illustrative example can be found in examining the outrage expressed online and elsewhere about having to press 1 for English; for example, see the song ‘Press One for English’ by RivoliRevue (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sEJfS1v-fU0). The taken-for-granted assumption underlying this irritation and outrage is that English is the only legitimate language in the US. Thus, speaking Spanish is seen as a violation of the ‘natural’ state of affairs. A critical perspective brings these assumptions to light, examines their connection to xenophobia and racism, and analyzes how they contribute to inequality (we return to this topic in Chapter 4, and to this example in Discussion Question 2 in Chapter 8). Once revealed, these assumptions can be understood and challenged, with the ultimate goal of promoting social justice. With this book we hope to help readers think critically about language and the world around them – in general as well as specifically with regard to Spanish in the US.
We have adopted the use of Latinx (plural Latinxs)3 as the generic term for referring to individuals and groups. We prefer these terms to the alternatives Latino(s) and Latina/o(s) or Latin@(s), which either give preference to males or rely on a binary gender categorization of ‘male’ and ‘female’. The term Latinx, and gender-inclusive language in general,4 is not accepted by everyone, and in Chapter 5 we discuss some of the objections that have been put forth. Nonetheless, Latinx is an increasingly common term in academic and activist circles (see Vidal-Ortiz & Martinez, 2018, for further discussion). As we explore in depth later in this book, particular ways of using language allow people to position themselves in particular ways. We use the term Latinx in order to position ourselves, as authors, as inclusive and critical in our thinking. However, because we recognize that Latinx has some limitations, we will continue to engage with the heterogeneity of Latinxs and Spanish-speakers in the US and the marginalization of groups through language in our ongoing choice of labels. In instances where we (or authors we cite) are referring to specific individuals identified as male or female, we use Latino or Latina accordingly. In addition, when quoting research or official documents, we use whatever term appeared in the original.
Another less-than-perfect term that appears in this volume is Anglo, most commonly used to refer to non-Latinx Whites. This term is problematic in several ways, including its implication of Anglo (i.e. British) heritage, which is not the actual heritage of everyone referred to with the term. Nonetheless, as we have just explained, identity categories are socially constructed rather than based in objective facts. Further, the meaning of labels (and of words in general) does not reside in the words themselves, but in the ways in which they are used and understood in society. Thus, even though it doesn’t reflect the historical meaning of the word, if Anglo has come to be used to refer to non-Latinx White people, that is what the word means, at least in some contexts, such as the Southwestern US, where it is more common than in other regions. Still, people don’t often use Anglo to identify themselves. Thus, while we use the term, we do so sparingly.
We hope that this introduction has given you a sense of the philosophy and theoretical approach we take in this book. As we have said, two primary goals of this text are to help readers understand the historical, social and linguistic issues related to speaking Spanish in the US, as well as to appreciate the importance of taking language into account in other disciplines. While Spanish in the US is important in and of itself, it also serves as a valuable example or case study with which to gain a deeper understanding of the social and political aspects of language. Thus, a third goal is for readers to gain familiarity with the sociopolitics of language more broadly and throughout the book we have sought to introduce and explain key theoretical constructs in an easy-to-understand way. Finally, we aim to foster your critical analysis of taken-for-granted ideas about language, Latinxs and Spanish, as well as your ability to be critical consumers of public discourse popular culture. We hope to encourage you to be proponents of policies and practices that have a positive impact on the societies in which you live.
While retaining the primary sociopolitical focus of the first edition, this extensively revised and expanded edition covers additional topics and includes a wealth of new material and activities. Each chapter begins with a short overview before introducing readers to key theoretical concerns, historical perspectives, empirical research and practical issues. We stress interdisciplinarity and common themes throughout the book and each chapter ends with a section highlighting connections to other chapters. We follow this with set of discussion questions and activities, many of which make connections to materials available online as well as to other chapters. Finally, each chapter has a brief list of suggested further readings and resources. After the last chapter is a glossary with important concepts for which readers might require definition beyond what appears in the main text; words contained in the glossary appear in bold on their first usage in each chapter. An index is provided at the end of the volume.
Chapter 2 is a brand new chapter that provides information about the demographics of speaking Spanish in the US and reviews theoretical and empirical research about Spanish language maintenance and shift. Chapter 3 is also completely new and focuses on the history of the Spanish language in the US, including colonization, conquest and historical and present-day immigration, as well as contemporary struggles regarding the representation of that history. This chapter provides the context for the contemporary situation of Spanish in the US, which is the primary focus in the rest of the book.
Language ideologies, a central topic of the book, is the focus of an expanded Chapter 4, which outlines how ideas about language are deeply embedded in societal norms and are often more about the speakers than