Spice: The History of a Temptation. Jack Turner

Spice: The History of a Temptation - Jack  Turner


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from 1493 was less panoramic; indeed, altogether more foggy. It is late April, the exact day unknown. Columbus is indeed back from America, but he is oblivious to the fact. His version of events is that he has just been to the Indies, and though the tale he has to tell might have been lifted straight from a medieval romance, he has the proof to silence any who would doubt him: gold, green and yellow parrots, Indians and cinnamon.

      At least that is what Columbus believed. His gold was indeed gold, if in no great quantity, and his parrots were indeed parrots, albeit not of any Asian variety. Likewise his Indians – the six bewildered individuals who shuffled forward to be inspected by the assembled company were not Indians but Caribs, a race soon to be exterminated by the Spanish colonisers and, deadlier still, by the germs they carried. The misnomer Columbus conferred has long outlived the misconception.

      In the case of the cinnamon Columbus’s capricious labelling would not stick for nearly so long. A witness reported that the twigs did indeed look a little like cinnamon, but tasted more pungent than pepper, and smelled like cloves – or was it ginger? Equally perplexing, and most uncharacteristically for a spice, his sample had gone off during the voyage back – the unhappy consequence, as Columbus explained, of his poor harvesting technique. But in due course time would reveal a simpler solution to the mystery, and one that the sceptics perhaps guessed even then: that his ‘cinnamon’ was in fact nothing any spicier than the bark of an unidentified Caribbean tree. Like the Indies he imagined he had visited, his cinnamon was the fruit of faulty assumptions and an overcharged imagination. For all his pains Columbus had ended up half a planet from the real thing.

      In April 1493, his wayward botany amounted to a failure either too bizarre or, for those whose money was at stake, too deflating to contemplate. As every schoolchild knows (or should know), when Columbus bumped into America he was looking not for a new world, but an old one. What exactly he was looking for is clearly delineated in the agreement he concluded before the voyage with the Spanish monarchs, promising the successful discoverer one tenth of all gold, silver, pearls, gems and spices. His posthumous fame notwithstanding, in this respect Columbus was only a qualified success. For in what in due course turned out to be the new world of the Americas, the conquistadors found none of the spices they sought, although in the temples and citadels of the Aztecs and Incas they stumbled across riches that out-glittered even the gilded fantasies they brought with them from Castile. Ever since, it is with the glitter of gold and silver, not the aroma of spices, that the conquistadors have been associated. But when Columbus raised anchor, and when he delivered his report in Barcelona, seated in the place of honour alongside the Catholic monarchs, ennobled and enriched for his pains, the perspective was different. The unimagined and unimaginable consequences of his voyage have clouded later views of causes, privileging half of the equation. Columbus sought not only an El Dorado but also, in some respects more beguiling still, El Picante too.

      Why this was so may be answered with varying degrees of complexity. The simplest answer, but also the shallowest, is that spices were immensely valuable, and they were valuable because they were immensely elusive and difficult to obtain. From their harvest in distant tropical lands, spices arrived in the markets of Venice, Bruges and London by an obscure tangle of routes winding halfway across the planet, serviced by distant peoples and places that seemed more myth than reality. That this was so was as much a function of the geography as the geopolitics of the day. Where the spices grew – from the jungles and backwaters of Malabar to the volcanic Spice Islands of the Indonesian archipelago – Christians feared to tread. Astride the spice routes lay the great belt of Islam, stretching from Morocco to Indonesia. As spice was a Christian fixation so it was a Muslim milch cow. At every stage of the long journey from East to West a different middleman ratcheted up the price, with the result that by the time they arrived in Europe the value of the spices was astronomical, inflated in some cases to the order of 1,000 per cent – sometimes more. With cost came an aura of glamour, danger, distance and profit. Seen through European eyes, the horizon clouded by ignorance and vivified by imagination, the far-off places where the spices grew were the lands where money grew on trees.

      Yet if the image was beguiling, the obstacles that stood in the way seemed insuperable – prior, that is, to Columbus. His solution was as elegant as it was radical. It was not inevitable, said Columbus, that Eastern goods should arrive from the east; nor that Westerners should pay such a premium, thereby lining the pockets of the infidel. The world being round, was it not simple logic that spices might also come around the other way: round the back of the globe, from the west? (Contrary to one hoary myth, hardly any informed medieval Europeans were flat-earthers. That the earth was spherical had been accepted by all informed opinion since ancient times.) All one had to do to reach the Indies and their riches was head west from Spain: the ancients had said so, but thus far no one had put the idea to the test. With a little endeavour spices would be as common as cabbages and herrings. Columbus, in not so many words, proposed to sail west to the East, to Cathay and the Indies of legend; or, in the words of one of his intellectual mentors, the Florentine humanist Toscanelli, ‘ad loca aromatum’, to the places where the spices are.

      It was an idea of hallucinatory promise – not for the prospect of discovery for discovery’s sake, nor even because the idea was particularly original, but because of the fiscal rewards. In the event of success Columbus’s scheme would deliver his Spanish patrons a limitless source of wealth. For the small outlay required to fit out the expedition – a sum roughly equivalent to the annual income of a middling Castilian nobleman – Columbus proposed to drag the Indies out of the realms of fable and into the mainstream of Spanish trade and conquest. Though the story of his voyage has been endlessly mythologised, buried under a mountain of romantic speculation and scholarly scrutiny, in effect his success depended on convincing a coalition of investors and then the crown that his relatively inexpensive plan merited the gamble. There were experts who disagreed, but in fifteenth-century Spain no more than in a modern democracy did expert opinion or the weight of evidence always carry the day. With a powerful syndicate and capital on his side, those who labelled Columbus crack-brained no longer mattered. His voyage was possible because he got the backing and the cash, and he got the cash because of the promise of more – vastly more – to come back in return. Today he would be labelled a venture capitalist of a particularly bold and inventive hue.

      Hence, very briefly summarised, the scene in the Saló. And if the returning discoverer’s choice of exhibits made a good deal more sense then than now, so too, in his defence, did his mistakes. Very few Europeans had been to the real Indies, and fewer still had looked on the spice plants in their natural state. Reports of spices and Indies alike arrived rarely, often heavily fictionalised, a situation that left the fertile medieval imagination free to run riot, and few had imaginations more fertile than did Columbus. A month after first sighting land he had seen enough for his own satisfaction, writing in his log that ‘without doubt there is in these lands a very great quantity of gold … and also there are stones, and there are precious pearls and infinite spicery’ – none of which he had thus far laid eyes on. Two days later, as his small flotilla picked its way through the coves and reefs of the Caribbean, he discerned hidden treasures beyond the palms and sandy beaches, convinced that: ‘These islands are those innumerable ones that in the maps of the world are put at the eastern end. And he [Columbus] said that he believed that there were great riches and precious stones and spices in them …’ The evidence was lacking but his mind was made up. He had set out to find spices, and find spices he would. Desire was father to discovery.

      And yet for all Columbus’s confidence there was, undeniably, something odd about his ‘spices’ – not least the fact that they did not taste, smell or look like spices such as he and his patrons knew from their daily table. But Columbus would not be disillusioned. Indeed on the subject of spice the logs and letters of his voyages read like a study in Quixotic delusion. His imagination was more than equal to the challenge of an intruding reality, far outstripping the evidence. Within a week of his arrival in the Caribbean he had the excuse to dispel any doubts: a European, unfamiliar with the plants in their natural habitat, he was bound to make the odd mistake: ‘But I do not recognise them and this causes me much sorrow.’ It was an escape clause that would stay obstinately open for the rest of his life.


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