The New Environmental Economics. Eloi Laurent

The New Environmental Economics - Eloi Laurent


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history of attitude and action toward the land. This would involve a description of environmental change, but my interest in it would be as evidence of man’s values, ideals, ambitions, and fear.” Donald Worster was a pioneer in this historical field. In his masterpiece,2 he explores the interrelation between the Great Depression and over-exploitation of land in the Great Plains. The key insight of Worster’s work is that the same society has produced both events under the influence of the same system: unfettered capitalism. “lt cannot be blamed on illiteracy or overpopulation or social disorder. lt came about because the culture was operating in precisely the way it was supposed to … The Dust Bowl … was the inevitable outcome of a culture that deliberately, self-consciously, set itself [the) task of dominating and exploiting the land for all it was worth,” writes Worster.

      Commenting on the work of Worster, one of the leading contemporary figures of environmental history, William Cronon (1992),3 explains that “Our histories of the Great Plains environment remain fixed on people because what we most care about in nature is its meaning for human beings. We care about the dust storms because they stand as a symbol of human endurance in the face of natural adversity – or as a symbol of human irresponsibility in the face of natural fragility. Human interests and conflicts create values in nature that in turn provide the moral center for our stories.” He adds “I would urge upon environmental historians the task of telling not just stories about nature, but stories about stories about nature.”

      Cronon’s book on the development of the mid-West region4 expands on the idea that the social system imposes itself in some way on the natural world. Women and men are able to build cities in which fundamental assets are themselves. This is the case of the city of Chicago, devoid of almost any environmental asset at the time of its founding but which was able to take advantage of its social assets to become the urban center of the industrial development of the United States.

      The history of the environment thus sheds light, beyond the moral apprehension of Nature, on the social and political dimension of the human relationship to the natural world. These issues were present at the very beginning of environmental governance, in the early nineteenth century.

      In the contemporary period, the environmental preoccupation went through a mystical age, from the publication of Nature in 1836 by Ralph Waldo Emerson to the fight of John Muir, eventually supported by Theodore Roosevelt, for the creation of the first national parks in the United States. Muir (1838–1914) is certainly the most famous figure of the preservation movement. An ardent defender of the Yosemite Valley in the United States and founder of the environmental NGO Sierra Club (1892), his advocacy of Nature as a healing place for humans overwhelmed by the industrial world finds strong echoes today (see Box 3.1). It should not, however, be forgotten or overlooked that he held racist views over Native Americans living in Yosemite and supported their removal and even extermination.

      John Muir, Our National Parks, 1901. Accessible at https://vault.sierraclub.org/john_muir_exhibit/writings/our_national_parks/chapter_1.aspx

      Muir passionately promoted “preservationism,” a radical approach to protection, in which nature acquires an intrinsic value: It is worthy of being protected for itself, against the harmful effects of societies, according to a principle of separation of the natural and social world. The notion of wilderness is central to the movement (Muir would write that “the clearest way into the Universe is through a forest wilderness”).5

      But the political dimension of the preservation movement also needs to be highlighted. In a speech delivered at the cornerstone ceremony for the Roosevelt Arch6 in Yellowstone National Park in 1903, Theodore Roosevelt (October 27, 1858 to January 6, 1919), the 26th President of the United States, insisted that national parks were created “for the benefit and enjoyment of the people” and that “the park idea is noteworthy in its essential democracy.” Environmental resources are thus part of human justice (we will come back to this in detail in Chapter 4). To make these resources freely available to the greatest possible number, regardless of money or power, must be part of the democratic project (legally transposing natural resources in the public domain, as for instance the National Trust7 does in the UK, is part of this “essential democracy” process). From a policy perspective, preservation, as implemented by Theodore Roosevelt, with the creation of national parks, has put justice, both intra-generational and inter-generational, at the forefront.

      Gifford Pinchot (1865–1946), the most important figure of the conservationist movement that sought to bring balance back in the relation between “Man and Nature,” promoted the notion of “wise use” of resources and will later become the first head of the US federal forest service, one of the first sectors where the concept of sustainability emerged. This sustainable use of natural resources (to be achieved through government regulation) is not the same as laissez-faire “green” capitalism. The goal of conservationism is not to make money but to ensure that natural resources continue to be available for human enjoyment in the future. Yet, conservationism understood as natural utilitarianism brings about the issue of inter-generational inequality, as this statement of Pinchot in 1909 makes clear: “The first principle of conservation is development, the use of the natural resources now existing on this continent for the benefit of the people who live here now.”10

      The very real opposition between preservation and conservation, that has inspired many environmental debates such as the choice between “strong” and “weak” sustainability,11 has been


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