Black in America. Christina Jackson

Black in America - Christina Jackson


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and [to] repeople the area with rich white middle-class people, a dog population, children playing, not even children playing in the street but a playground for rich people. And they want to make it this high-class area where most people make $75,000 or more a year, and just completely remove anyone who’s not what they call a desirable population. And, this is what plays into the depopulation also of Black people in San Francisco, which we say is being done intentionally…. So, SRCN is like a conscious movement or body that just allows people to get information, even beyond just the environment … but educate the people that they must take back the city government and must become aware of what’s happening not just on the hill, but politically aware of what’s going on in the city.

      Racism is not an ideological tool nor a purely historical phenomenon, but it serves as a contemporary basis for the allocation and receipt of differential rewards that operates not at the level of racial attitudes but at the level of the social system. Racism in contemporary America can be seen as inherent in the social structure and manifest in our social institutions such that “old-fashioned racism” is no longer necessary to perpetuate the existence of the racial order (Bonilla-Silva 2001).5 A clear example of this can be found in the American educational system. While education is commonly thought to be the great equalizer, and the purpose of public education was to ensure the formal training of citizens to be literate, permitting their social and civic engagement, it has structurally defined and maintained racial inequality. This is not accidental or simply a result of historical or contemporary class dynamics. The educational inequality and achievement gaps we are familiar with today were produced. In the section that follows, we examine access to and the quality of education for Blacks and Whites in America as an instance of institutionalized racism.

       Education Denied During Slavery

      Withholding access to education was seen in its most extreme form in the South before emancipation, when Blacks were prohibited by law from learning to read and write (Hallihan 2001:50). This legal prohibition was universal, with few exceptions; in some states, free Blacks also had to adhere to this mandate (Lieberson 1980:137),6 and in others their education was permitted and they established their own schools or conducted them secretly (Du Bois 1901:21). Despite these restrictions, a large number of adult free Blacks, according to the 1850 census, were literate, and many Black abolitionists were self-taught (e.g., Frederick Douglass). However, given that the vast majority of slaves were illiterate, sociologist Stanley Lieberson posits that, after emancipation, “at least 93 percent of all adult Blacks were illiterate at the time of the Civil War” (1980:138).

      Sociologist Pamela B. Walters (2001:41) contends that this policy of prohibiting the education of Blacks (as well as poor Whites) served the interest of the plantation elites. Since the South was an agriculture-based economy dependent on unskilled labor, educating Blacks and poor Whites was unnecessary. However, this was not the sole reason that education was withheld. According to Walters (2001:46), “they [Southern plantation elites] thought that providing ‘too much’ education for either African Americans or poor Whites might empower these subordinated groups to challenge the planter’s political hegemony.” Education was recognized as a tool of empowerment for the oppressed slaves (and poor Whites) and, in order to maintain their oppression, access to education was withheld.

       Education and the Freedmen’s Quest for Advancement During Reconstruction

      But abolition did not abolish the racial frame that fostered and perpetuated slavery, which held that Blacks were inferior to Whites and less than human. Historian Henry Allen Bullock, in his book A History of Negro Education in the South, documents the substantial opposition from Whites against the education of Blacks in the South. Even though a population that was forced to be illiterate by law was now technically able to access education, Bullock writes, “economic pressures were applied against Blacks; Whites opposed mixed schools; and some Whites resented payment of taxes for the education of Blacks” (1967:41–3). Despite this, during the Reconstruction era (1866–77), both groups experienced a period of near-equality (Walters 2001). Navigating the choppy waters of opposition successfully, Bullock (1967) argues, was only possible due to pressure from the federal government and the political power of Blacks demonstrated by their voting strength. Walters notes, “Whites, in general, and White elites in particular, found the equal or relatively equal provision of educational opportunities to White and Black children objectionable” (2001:41).

      Yet there was virtually no discrimination in educational funding for Black and White children, during this period (Walters 2001:41). Attempts to distribute taxes by the race of taxpayers (which would have significantly reduced funding for Blacks) were defeated consistently when up for a vote (Newbold 1928:211). Black political strength and representation on local school boards at that time were key to securing this equality in funding. Bullock offers an example drawn from the state of North Carolina in 1873. Blacks comprised 38 percent of public school enrollment, and a near-equivalent amount (33 percent) of state support went to Black schools. Beyond this significant achievement, Lieberson notes, “School terms were the same length and teachers received about the same salary … for every dollar spent on Black children for teachers’ salaries, most commonly from about $1.10 to $1.20 was spent on the teachers of White children” (Lieberson 1980:138).


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