Atlanta And Its Builders, Vol. 1 - A Comprehensive History Of The Gate City Of The South. Thomas H. Martin

Atlanta And Its Builders, Vol. 1 - A Comprehensive History Of The Gate City Of The South - Thomas H. Martin


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The council issued the permit to erect the infirmary, as requested.

      Atlanta, while reaching out for capital honors, was not backward in absorbing smaller things. Her influence had been successful in having a new county carved off the west side of DeKalb county, in order that Atlanta might be made a county seat, and we find, in the council records of 1854, an appropriation made by council on January 16th, giving Clarke Howell $110.75 "for his services and expenses in the interest of the new county of Fulton."

      Many pushing, solid citizens were steadily being added to Atlanta's rapidly increasing population. At this time, or shortly before. Green T. Dodd cast his fortune here, and then such men as Daniel Pittman, L. J. Gartrell, L. J. Glenn, A. J. McBride, W. A. Fuller, Dr. J. P. Logan, Thomas M. Clarke, Mr. Gilbert, his partner, and M. Cole, the large nurseryman.

      Atlanta was by this time comparatively free from the lawlessness of a year or two before. Its police regulations were very stringent and gambling no longer flourished openly in Murrell's Row. Many of the "dead game sports" had drifted to more congenial fields, and the others kept discreetly in the background. The saloons were beginning to be regulated by ordinances that showed a hostile tendency to the liquor traffic, and licenses grew higher and higher. Old Jonathan Norcross had become an out-and-out Prohibitionist and purchased the Republican, a short-lived newspaper that had been founded in the city by a Northern man, and revived it as a Prohibitionist organ. It was soon the organ of the Know Nothings.

      The people of Atlanta were working in enthusiastic unison for several great projects, and public meetings to further these movements were of frequent occurrence. The air was full of new railroad rumors, and if all the projected roads had materialized, Atlanta would have presented on the map the appearance of a thousand-legged spider. One of the proposed railroads did materialize in a short time in the Atlanta and Charlotte Air-Line. To say the citizens believed in the future of the city would be putting it mildly. Every man who held real estate was gifted with the most prophetic sort of an imagination and lost no opportunity to express his great faith in Atlanta's future. While there was no organization designed to further all public enterprises, such as a board of trade or chamber of commerce, the progressive element of the city worked together with wonderful zeal and unanimity, and the city council took upon itself some of the functions of the lacking organization. An aggressive capital removal campaign had been inaugurated over the state by Atlanta, and the ambitions of the young city as a great commercial distributing center were published far and near. Atlanta, at least, knew how to advertise herself, and the whole state began to talk about her. This aggressive policy of publicity, which Atlanta has never relaxed, bore abundant fruit in material progress. Trade and population multiplied. The place was a surprise to the South. It had about it the restless energy and bustle of a Yankee town.

      As this chapter is devoted almost entirely to the year 1854, it will fittingly be closed with an allusion to the visit of President Millard Fillmore to Atlanta, which occurred in that year. Of this visit of the country's chief executive, L. L. Parham says in one of his newspaper reminiscences:

      "President Millard Fillmore's visit to Atlanta in 1854 was a notable event, and one which illustrates as nothing else could the hospitable spirit of old Atlanta. Mr. Fillmore came from Augusta to this city, and was received at the 'car-shed' by the whole town with great enthusiasm. Every locomotive in town gave forth in unison a welcome which in noise at least was unmistakable. A committee escorted the distinguished guest to a hotel, where a brief but glorious reception was held. In the evening, a general reception was held, to which the public en masse flocked, and certainly Mr. Fillmore was flattered. The ladies were out in full force with their best clothes on and their sweetest smiles — at least it is said some of the fair ones were never so charming as on that occasion, since it was known by all that the president was a widower. Added to the position he had adorned as chief executive of the United States, he was of fine personal appearance, being a large figure and possessed of an open, pleasing countenance and warm heart. At a banquet held in his honor those who had the pleasure of attending became deeply impressed with their guest's genial manner, suavitor in modo, and ready repartee. When a gentleman noted for a fine voice and willing compliance when requested to sing, was asked to favor the banqueters with a song, he did so with such impressiveness that at its conclusion Mr. Fillmore arose and grasped the gentleman by the hand, and with a voice choked with emotion, thanked him and all Atlanta for their exceeding hospitality, which he declared had never been surpassed, if equaled."

      CHAPTER XII. SOME ANCIENT MUNICIPAL HISTORY

      In the municipal election held January 15th, 1855, national politics became badly mixed with local issues. It was at the height of the Know Nothing agitation, and that party had a large and very active following in Atlanta. When the time came to nominate a city ticket, the party feeling ran so high that two factions, representing the two great parties, strove for the control of the local government. Allison Nelson was put forward by the Democrats as their candidate for mayor, and Ira O. McDaniel as the candidate of the Know Nothings. The Democrats won by a very close vote, and the other side raised the cry of fraud. The ballot as given by the official count was: Nelson, 425; McDaniel, 415. For members of the council. First ward, W. W. Baldwin, 429; U. L. Wright, 417; B. O. Jones, 416; E. Andrews, 398. Second ward, T. M. Darnall, 424; C. H. Strong, 415; L. C. Simpson, 402; J. L. Dunning, 370. Third ward, John Farrar, 439; J. W. Thompson, 430; A. W. Owen, 398; R. Crawford, 387. Fourth ward, William Barnes, 449; John Glenn, 441; Samuel Dean, 401; G. W. Adair, 381. Fifth ward, Thomas Kile, 425; C. Powell, 425; W. R. Venable, 419; J. W. Manning, 396.

      No little excitement followed the announcement of the result. The defeated candidates got together and passed resolutions charging the corruption of the ballot by the Democrats, and I. O. McDaniel, B. O. Jones, E. Andrews, A. W. Owen, L. C. Simpson, S. Dean, R. Crawford, G. W. Adair, J. W. Manning and W. R. Venable addressed a petition to the successful candidate for mayor, Allison Nelson, in which it was asserted that they had been defeated by fraud. They said that they could prove that frauds of the grossest character had been committed at the polls, and that these frauds were chargeable to the democratic managers of the election. They charged that non-residents, aliens and others who had no right of suffrage in Atlanta had deposited their ballots without question, and if such fraudulent ballots were thrown out the result of the election would be found to be in the interest of the American party candidates. They offered to prove the truth of their charges, if given an opportunity to do so by the new administration. They declared that nobody should be allowed to hold office by fraud, and therefore requested the mayor-elect to appoint a day within the current month upon which a thorough investigation might be held, or, if he preferred, they asked that he submit the question over again to the voters of Atlanta.

      The successful candidates received the communication from their late rivals with derision. They replied to it, however, referring to it as "an extraordinary note." Their reply was in part as follows:

      We find this document signed by those who comprised the ticket of the American or Know Nothing Part}-, with the important exception of Mr. C. H. Strong, who was the only one on that ticket who was elected. If you could do what you propose, establish fraud, etc., in the election, why did you not prove it before the managers of the election, when the election was in progress? It certainly was not owing to your want of vigilance, for you had sufficient challengers at their posts all through the day, and if you failed to convince the managers then of the illegality of the votes, it is but reasonable to suppose that a new attempt would likewise fail. It would also be the cause of an excitement which could be but suicidal to the interests of the city, or at least to its peace and quiet, etc.

      The respondents then attempted to put the shoe on the other foot by boldly charging that the only frauds committed in Atlanta on election day were committed by the Know Nothings themselves, which they declared they stood prepared to prove. The rejoinder closed with the following wormwood and gall:

      "Gentlemen, time and reflection will soothe your feelings and teach you the important lesson of resignation to the will of the people. We are, respectfully yours, A. Nelson, AY. W. Baldwin, W. Barnes. U. K. Wright. Thomas Kile, C. Powell, T. M. Darnall, J. W. Thompson, J. Farrar."

      In February, the question of again assisting


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