Patrick Henry. Moses Coit Tyler
of the British Parliament.”[86]
Such was Patrick Henry’s introduction to the upper spheres of English society—spheres in which his name was to become still better known as time rolled on, and for conduct not likely to efface the impression of this bitter beginning.
As to his reputation in the colonies outside of Virginia, doubtless the progress of it, during this period, was slow and dim; for the celebrity acquired by the resolutions of 1765 attached to the colony rather than to the person. Moreover, the boundaries of each colony, in those days, were in most cases the boundaries likewise of the personal reputations it cherished. It was not until Patrick Henry came forward, in the Congress of 1774,[Pg 88] upon an arena that may be called national, that his name gathered about it the splendor of a national fame. Yet, even before 1774, in the rather dull and ungossiping newspapers of that time, and in the letters and diaries of its public men, may be discovered an occasional allusion showing that already his name had broken over the borders of Virginia, had traveled even so far as to New England, and that in Boston itself he was a person whom people were beginning to talk about. For example, in his Diary for the 22d of July, 1770, John Adams speaks of meeting some gentlemen from Virginia, and of going out to Cambridge with them. One of them is mentioned by name as having this distinction—that he “is an intimate friend of Mr. Patrick Henry, the first mover of the Virginia resolves in 1765.”[87] Thus, even so early, the incipient revolutionist in New England had got his thoughts on his brilliant political kinsman in Virginia.
But it was chiefly within the limits of his own splendid and gallant colony, and among an eager and impressionable people whose habitual hatred of all restraints turned into undying love for this dashing champion of natural liberty, that Patrick Henry was now instantly crowned with his crown of sovereignty. By his resolutions against the Stamp Act, as Jefferson testifies, “Mr. Henry took the lead out of the hands of those who had heretofore guided the proceedings of the House,[Pg 89] that is to say, of Pendleton, Wythe, Bland, Randolph, and Nicholas.”[88] Wirt does not put the case too strongly when he declares, that “after this debate there was no longer a question among the body of the people, as to Mr. Henry’s being the first statesman and orator in Virginia. Those, indeed, whose ranks he had scattered, and whom he had thrown into the shade, still tried to brand him with the names of declaimer and demagogue. But this was obviously the effect of envy and mortified pride. … From the period of which we have been speaking, Mr. Henry became the idol of the people of Virginia.”[89]
FOOTNOTES:
[73] See this view supported by Wirt, in his life by Kennedy, ii. 73.
[74] Gordon, Hist. of Am. Rev. i. 131.
[75] Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, 178–181.
[76] Cited in Frothingham, 181.
[77] Oxenbridge Thacher.
[78] Works of John Adams, x. 287.
[79] Frothingham, 181.
[80] Cited by Sparks, in Everett, Life of Henry, 396.
[81] Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, 181.
[82] Daniel Leonard, in Novanglus and Massachusettensis, 147, 148.
[83] As the historic importance of the Virginia resolutions became more and more apparent, a disposition was manifested to deny to Patrick Henry the honor of having written them. As early as 1790, Madison, between whom and Henry there was nearly always a sharp hostility, significantly asked Edmund Pendleton to tell him “where the resolutions proposed by Mr. Henry really originated.” Letters and Other Writings of Madison, i. 515. Edmund Randolph is said to have asserted that they were written by William Fleming; a statement of which Jefferson remarked, “It is to me incomprehensible.” Works, vi. 484. But to Jefferson’s own testimony on the same subject, I would apply the same remark. In his Memorandum, he says without hesitation that the resolutions “were drawn up by George Johnston, a lawyer of the Northern Neck, a very able, logical, and correct speaker.” Hist. Mag. for 1867, 91. But in another paper, written at about the same time, Jefferson said: “I can readily enough believe these resolutions were written by Mr. Henry himself. They bear the stamp of his mind, strong, without precision. That they were written by Johnston, who seconded them, was only the rumor of the day, and very possibly unfounded.” Works, vi. 484. In the face of all this tissue of rumor, guesswork, and self-contradiction, the deliberate statement of Patrick Henry himself that he wrote the five resolutions referred to by him, and that he wrote them “alone, unadvised, and unassisted,” must close the discussion.
[84] Verified from the original manuscript, now in possession of Mr. W. W. Henry.
[85] Cited by Sparks, in Everett, Life of Henry, 392.
[86] Perry, Hist. Coll. i. 514, 515.
[87] Works of John Adams, ii. 249.
[88] Works of Jefferson, vi. 368.
[89] Life of Henry, 66.
[Pg 90] ToC
CHAPTER VII
STEADY WORK
From the close of Patrick Henry’s first term in the Virginia House of Burgesses, in the spring of 1765, to the opening of his first term in the Continental Congress, in the fall of 1774, there stretches a period of about nine years, which, for the purposes of our present study, may be rapidly glanced at and passed by.
In general, it may be described as a period during which he had settled down to steady work, both as a lawyer and as a politician. The first five years of his professional life had witnessed his advance, as we have seen, by strides which only genius can make, from great obscurity to great distinction; his advance from a condition of universal failure to one of success so universal that his career may be said to have become within that brief period solidly established. At the bar, upon the hustings, in