Thoughts on civil liberty, on licentiousness, and faction. John Brown
a possible Interpretation, but in all Appearance, the more natural of the two. For it is not here once suggested by this Author, that Opinions have any Influence on Actions; but rather, that they concern nobody but Him who holds them. 'Tis true, he speaks of them as being reasonable, and religious: But if they be the mere Result of private and fortuitous Thought, unaided by the Regulations of civil Policy, I see not why they may not more probably be unreasonable and irreligious: Because they are more likely to be model'd by ruling Appetites than rational Deduction.
At the same Time, it is but Justice to this Author to say, that he certainly meant not (like the Author of the Fable of the Bees) to discard all moral Principles as groundless and chimerical; whatever his Intentions were with Regard to Religion. But his Expressions are ambiguous, and have been laid hold of by Men of the most libertine Opinions: Therefore in whatever Sense they were written, it is necessary to oppose them, in that Sense in which they have been received.
And farther, this is certain: That the Principle implied in this second Interpretation hath passed into a general Maxim in this Kingdom, among those who pique themselves on unlimited Freedom of Thought. These Men have long and openly derided every Regulation of Opinion and Principle; have discarded all moral and religious Instruction, under the despised Idea, of Prejudice of Education; have laid it down as their fundamental Maxim, "that you are to think what you will: Only to act honestly." Not attending to that essential Connexion which subsists between Thoughts, Opinions, Principles, and Actions.
Doubtless, any Society of Men, aiming at the Establishment of civil Liberty, have a Right to unite themselves on what Conditions they please. But it is the Purpose of this Essay, to prove, by Reasonings confirmed by Facts, that a free Community built on the Maxims above delivered, cannot be of long Duration: That the mere coercive Power of human Laws is not sufficient to sustain itself: That there is a strong and unalterable Connexion between Opinions and Actions: That a certain Regulation of Principles is necessary to check the selfish Passions of Man; and prevent Liberty from degenerating into Licentiousness: And that "a certain System of Manners and Principles, mutually supporting each other, and pervading the whole Community, are the only permanent Foundation on which true civil Liberty can arise."
The natural Appetites, Passions, and Desires of Man, are the universal Fountain of his Actions: Without the Impulse which he receives from those, he would be at once unfeeling and inactive. Consequently, according to the State and Character of his Desires, his Actions will naturally be good or evil; innocent, useful, or destructive.
Were these Desires universally coincident with the Welfare and Happiness of others, no coercive Power would be wanting, as the Means of producing and securing perfect Liberty.
But the acknowledged Necessity of penal Laws affords an incontestable Proof, that the unbridled Desires of Man are utterly inconsistent with the Welfare and Happiness of his Fellow Creatures.
Whatever Means, therefore, are most effectual in curbing and subduing the selfish Desires of Man, are the most effectual Means of regulating his Actions, and establishing civil Liberty on its most permanent Foundations.
The mere coercive Power of human Laws, without an assistant Regulation of the Passions and Desires, is utterly inadequate to the great Ends either of private Happiness or public Liberty.
It cannot produce private Happiness to the Individual, because while it leaves his Mind open to be infested by every unruly Passion that may arise, it forbids him the Gratification: Thus it sets the distracted Soul at Variance with itself. The best Consequence that can be hoped for, is a continued Conflict of Fear and Appetite; of a Dread of human Laws, warring with inordinate and selfish Passions.
It cannot be a permanent Foundation of public Liberty; because while the Passions are thus left without an inward Controul, they will often be too strong for Fear, even where a legal Punishment is the certain Consequence: For as they are suffered to subsist in their full Vigour, and when kindled in the Soul are blind and headlong, they will often carry away the whole Man; will bear him down in their Gratification, even to unavoidable Destruction.
Still farther, and chiefly: Human Power cannot penetrate the secret Recesses of the Soul, nor reach the dark Intentions of the Heart of Man, nor always be of Weight to combat the Strength of Individuals: Hence Cunning will often evade, and Force will often defy, the coercive Power of the best-formed Laws. Thus public Wisdom must give Way to private Gratification, the Innocent must become a Prey to the Guilty; that is, in other Words, Liberty must be destroyed, and Licentiousness must triumph.
1 ↑ Fable of the Bees, passim.
2 ↑ Essay on Charity Schools.
3 ↑ Cato's Letters, No. 62.
4 ↑ See Vol. of Sermons, Serm. 4, 5, 12.
SECT.V. Virtuous Manners and Principles the only permanent Foundation of civil Liberty.
WHAT, then, are the permanent Foundations, on which perfect Liberty can arise?—I answer, it can only arise on the Power of such a System of Manners and Principles effectually impressed on the human Mind, as may be an inward Curb to every inordinate Desire; or rather, such as may so frame and model the Human Heart, that its ruling Desires may correspond, coincide, or coalesce, with all the great and essential Appointments of public Law.
The Nature of Man admits of this Improvement, though not in a perfect, yet in a considerable Degree. He is born with Appetites suited to his own Preservation, and the Continuance of his Species: Beyond this, he is by Nature at once selfish and social; compassionate and resentful; docile, either to Good or Evil; and hence, capable of acquiring new Habits, new Passions, new Desires, either to the Welfare or Destruction of his Fellow-Creatures.
Virtuous Manners I call such acquired Habits of Thought and correspondent Action, as lead to a steady Prosecution of the general Welfare.
Virtuous Principles I call such as tend to confirm these Habits, by superinducing the Idea of Duty.
Virtuous Manners are a permanent Foundation for civil Liberty, because they lead the Passions and Desires themselves to coincide with the Appointments of public Law. The infant Mind is pregnant with a Variety of Passions: But it is in the Power of those who are intrusted with the Education of Youth, in a considerable Degree, to determine the Bent of the nascent Passions; to fix them on salutary Objects, or let them loose to such as are pernicious or destructive.
Here, then, lie the first Foundations of civil Liberty: In forming the Habits of the youthful Heart, to a Coincidence with the general Welfare: In checking every rising Appetite that is contrary to This, and in forwarding every Passion that may promote the Happiness of the Community: In implanting and improving Benevolence, Self-Controul, Humility, Integrity, and Truth; in preventing or suppressing the contrary Habits of Selfishness, Intemperance, Pride, Dishonesty, and Falsehood: In teaching the young Mind to delight, as far as is possible, in every Virtue for its own Sake: In a Word, in so forming the Pleasures and Displeasures of the opening Heart, that they may coalesce and harmonize with the Laws of public