The Cretan Insurrection of 1866-7-8. William James Stillman
assailed the retiring army with such fury that they killed 7,000 men.
A new Egyptian expedition of 10,000 troops with a large squadron reinforced the Ottoman army, and the commander, Ismail Gibraltar, so-called from having been the first Turk to sail beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, an able, adroit, and comparatively humane man, began to assail the Sphakiotes on their weak side, and induced them by bribery to withdraw from the hostilities. The other districts, many times decimated, had not the force to maintain the struggle, and Tombasis, after making a vain effort to rally the elements of another struggle, abandoned the island, which submitted almost entirely. Thousands of the most devoted and patriotic Cretans went to Greece, where they fought bravely for the common nationality. We see still on the plains of Athens the tomb of the corps that perished there to a man refusing to turn their backs to the Turk.
After the battle of Navarino, the insurrection broke out anew; an expedition from Greece under Kalergis captured Grabusa by stratagem, Kissamos was taken by siege; soon the Cretan Mussulmans (the regular Egyptian forces being engaged in the Morea) were shut up again in the three fortresses of Canéa, Retimo, and Candia, and would soon, in all probability, either have abandoned the island or have perished in it, had not the three allied powers decided that Crete should be united to the government of Mehemet Ali, and notified their decree to the Christian population. (Pashley, "Historical Introduction to Travels in Crete.")
The establishment of the Egyptian régime was at first productive of great relief to the Christian population, as Mehemet Ali had shrewdness enough to comprehend that their oppression would be the disfavor of the Christian powers, now for the first time clearly recognized to be mistresses of the fortunes of the Ottoman Empire, and to perceive that for material prosperity the Christian element was far more available than the Mussulman, corrupted and degraded by long unchecked and unmeasured abuse of power, and dependence on servitude of others, the most hopeless of all slavery. Order was re-established, and political organization, which Crete had never known, was introduced, exiles began to return, and all promised a better régime than any Cretan could have hoped for under foreign rule.
The Pasha, in his designs of obtaining complete independence, saw also that he must some day count the Turkish population of Crete as his enemies; all these causes combined gave the Christians an advantage over the Mussulman element. After a time, however, the pirate's instincts took the predominance, and Mehemet Ali, well assured of his possession, began to measure the capacity of the island for extortion of taxes. The promises made at the time of pacification were unheeded, imposts succeeded each other, until the population, alarmed, had recourse to their immemorial expedient of an assembly, and, several thousand strong, Christian and Mussulman alike, they met at Murnies, unarmed and accompanied by their families. This habit of so assembling has from ancient times played an important part in the history of Crete, and was known as Syncretism. To this day, every crisis and every important measure referring to the general welfare is discussed in a full assembly of deputies of the whole population.
The assembly of Murnies was peaceful; no one brought his arms, no violence of any kind was perpetrated on any interest or person. The assembly petitioned the protecting powers for redress and the fulfilment of the promises made at their submission, but the indifference of the soi-disant Christian powers to everything that implied the rights of the subject had already descended on the Greeks, so lately emancipated by the "untoward event;" and the French and English residents at Alexandria, more charmed by Egyptian music than the claims of justice, heard what was agreeable to the Viceroy, and the English agent even advised him to make an example of insubordination which should save him any future trouble. So encouraged, the arbiter of life or death to this brave people sent orders to execute a number of persons, both Christian and Mussulman. The Governor, Mustapha Pasha, now known as Mustapha Kiritli (Cretan), a hard and barbarous Albanian, bred in the brutalities of the long wars with the Christians, readily complied, and seized a number of persons at Canéa indifferently. At the same time, the same orders were sent to other provinces, and a general and simultaneous execution took place. Many of the victims had no connection with the assembly, nor does the number or quality seem to have been fixed. The Albanian butcher caught the spirit of his master's order, and hanged at random. Pashley says that thirty-three were hanged, but perhaps he had a desire to diminish the enormity of the deed for which he declares the English agent at Alexandria to have been largely responsible. Residents at Canéa at that time have assured me that over eighty were hanged at Murnies, and the then Austrian consul at Canéa has repeatedly declared to me that there were several hundred victims, and that he himself had seen the bodies hanging on the trees of Murnies, until the whole air round was infected by them. This was in 1833, and until 1840 the Butcher held the island tranquil under the rod of his menace.
In 1840, insurrectionary movements took place, which were attributed to English influence, and said to be encouraged by the English admiral at Suda. I have heard from residents at Canéa[B] (non-Cretan) that the admiral facilitated the introduction of muskets and ammunition, and advised the chiefs to ask for an English protection. This proposition was favored at the assembly of that occasion, but the Turkish authorities secured its rejection by persuading secretly the chiefs that their choice would be between annexation to Greece and English protection, and as, of course, they preferred the former, the project was unanimously rejected, having secured which, and the consequent English indifference, Mustapha, by an energetic blow, suppressed the movement.
In 1858, a similar crisis was made use of by the French government, whose agent openly took the part of the insurgents, bullied the authorities, and encouraged the Cretans to look for French support. The assembly was held at Nerokouro, and petitioned the Sultan for relief from the most weighty grievances of the population. It was at once determined to suppress the movement, like the former, by force, but disturbances breaking out in the Christian provinces of Turkey, and the attitude of France causing distrust, the Porte finally yielded, made the concessions demanded, and the assembly broke up. This outbreak was remarkable for one incident which may have had much to do with the solution arrived at. The government had determined to obtain from its adherents an address in opposition to that of the assembly, and it was considered needful to have the signature of the Bishop of Canéa.
This prelate, one of the most worthy and pious bishops Crete has had in modern times, refused to sign, and compulsion was applied, the Bishop being shut up in a room with the council, and a pen put into his hand and applied to the paper by force. But he resisted all pressure, declaring that, if they killed him, he would not sign what he knew to be a falsehood. This contest of will lasted hours, when the physique of the Bishop gave way, and he fainted, not having yielded. He was carried to his house in great excitement, which rapidly spread and increased, until he died in the course of the day. The Cretans regarded him as a martyr, and his death fired them with still greater enthusiasm.
Never was moment more favorable for insurrection; and that the Cretans contented themselves with such moderate demands as the relief of some of the newest and most oppressive taxes, and yielded on the promise only of redress, dispersing quietly to their homes, shows that they were not, as they were represented by unfriendly writers, disposed to factiousness and insurrection.
The promises made in 1858 were never fulfilled—if there is honor amongst thieves, there is none amongst Turks; and when, at the death of Abdul Medjid, his successor, Abdul Aziz, was reminded of the promises made to the Cretans, he replied that he was not bound by the engagements of his predecessors, and Cretan reforms lapsed into the abyss of good (and bad) intentions. From that time the island was moved by discontent. The next governor, Ismail, a clever, cunning Greek renegade, charlatan in everything but intrigue, of the worst possible faith and honesty, avaricious, mendacious, and cruel, but plausible and persuasive, succeeded in delaying agitation by promises and bribes, by dividing the chiefs one against the other, till 1864, when another assembly was held, and another petition drawn up and delivered to the governor to be forwarded to Constantinople, when the assembly dispersed. Ismail immediately convoked an assemblage of his adherents, and had a counter-petition forwarded, assuring the Porte of the perfect content of the Cretans with their governor and their state. The true petition was never heard of again, but the bearers of the false one received the Medjidieh, and Ismail the thanks of the Sultan, with presents which he valued much more.
The ensuing winter was