Communicating Science in Times of Crisis. Группа авторов

Communicating Science in Times of Crisis - Группа авторов


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       Claude H. Miller and Haijing Ma

       University of Oklahoma

      Natural disasters, such as earthquakes, tsunamis, hurricanes, tornados, flooding, and draught, happen all too often, as do other man-made crises, such as terrorist attacks, chemical spills, and nuclear meltdowns. In 2020, crises and disasters seem to be the new normal, with monstrous bush fires in Australia; record-shattering forest fires in Western United States; floods in China, Pakistan, and the United Kingdom; and hurricanes and cyclones in the United States, India, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh.

      Topping it all off, the COVID-19 pandemic has wreaked havoc over the entire globe. Since shortly after the first cases were discovered in November 2019 in Hubei province, China, the novel coronavirus outbreak designated COVID-19 has commanded the world’s attention. As the pandemic has unfolded, and fear of its spread has come to dominate the global consciousness, along with its propagation, a wave of aggressive behavior, xenophobia, and protests against preventive measures has developed—particularly within the United States—as many have viewed such measures to be oppressively invasive (Escobar, 2020; Manning-Schaffel, 2020; Stewart, 2020). With over 118 million cases worldwide and more than 2.6 million deaths through the second week of March 2021 (CCSE, 2021), medical authorities and researchers observing the unfolding pandemic have noted increasing anxiety and dread about the virus across a range of international populations, exacerbating a number of serious and broadly experienced mental health issues (Li et al., 2020; Torales et al., 2020), particularly in the United States (Czeisler et al., 2020), where more than 20% of the worldwide deaths have occurred.

      However, a realization of the inescapable certainty of our inevitable death can also stimulate feelings of desperation, incomprehensibility, meaninglessness, and fear, motivating a broad range of disruptive and maladaptive behaviors, such as blithely attacking outgroup members perceived as different from one’s self. At the same time, such feelings can also make us more readily willing to tolerate the moral transgressions of ingroup members felt to be similar (Menzies, 2012; Pyszczynski et al., 2015). Among these behaviors, some clearly relate to our mortal fears, while others seem to have no direct link whatsoever. Given the abstracted nature of this existential dilemma, a number of questions arise: In coping with disastrous events such as the COVID-19 pandemic, how might our fear of death and the disquiet and apprehension it engenders influence our communication behavior in ways we may be unaware of? Do thoughts and reminders of death bring only negative consequences? What can we learn from or about the different coping methods individuals use to buffer the anxiety and fear associated with their mortality? Regarding the current coronavirus pandemic, can different aspects of people’s responses to its threat be explained, anticipated, and/or influenced by its death-reminding nature?

      From the perspective of terror management theory (TMT; Greenberg et al., 1986), this chapter focuses on how existential anxiety following death thought awareness (DTA) can influence a myriad of communication behavior designed to cope with the fear and dread aroused by the deadly COVID-19 global pandemic. After first briefly introducing the theory, the following sections apply TMT to several aspects relevant to interpersonal, health, and crisis communication. The chapter concludes with a discussion on ways death anxiety may be most effectively managed to help people cope with the COVID-19 pandemic.

      Terror Management Theory

      In the mid-1980s, unsatisfied with the state of theory explaining several core psychological processes, and curious about the common underpinnings of human motivation, Greenberg et al. (1986) developed TMT as an overarching theory of human motivation. Initially met with a chilly reception, TMT has since provided the explanatory framework for hundreds of empirical studies’ testing and sustaining a broad range of novel hypotheses focusing on “why people behave the way they do” (Pyszczynski et al., 2015, p. 3), and the theory has since enjoyed widespread acceptance—albeit with a healthy measure of criticism.

      Deeply rooted in Becker (1973)’s thinking, TMT contends that humans are unique in their development of abstract, symbolic thoughts, and the nature of their self-consciousness. And as with all animals, we humans are driven to maintain the viability of our biologically programmed struggle to survive (Greenberg, Solomon et al., 1992; Solomon et al., 1991). However beneficial our


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