Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659. Mustafa Naima
Now was the time for taking revenge. The Moslems, like raging wolves, rushed out of their strong-hold, slew about a thousand of the enemy, did what damage they were able to their fortifications, took a number of captives, spiked their field-pieces, seized all the powder and goods they could easily carry, set fire to what remained, and returned to the city in triumph with the spoil they had taken. But the enemy, after recovering from the panic into which they had been put, and after the army which had come from Buda had returned back, retraced their steps, and again took possession of their tabúr or fortifications, exercising violence and cruelty on those who had been hired by the month in the villages belonging to Buda.
Before finishing this paragraph we must add, by way of postscript, that the enemy continued their hostile operations against Khutván and Osterghún till they learned that the grand vezír was marching with the royal army to Buda, when they removed to Komran, where they concentrated their forces. The Válí of Temishvar who had came to aid the city of Osterghún, and who was at this time in Pest, heard that a palanka in his own government had revolted and declared for the enemy. He returned and executed the whole of them.
The Request of the Prime Minister—the Succour of the Magnificent Emperor.
In consequence of the several disasters which the Moslem arms had sustained during the late spring, the evils and oppressions to which the garrisons on the frontiers had been exposed, and also because the contest was not yet ended, the mind of the grand vezír, when he considered all these things, was very much afflicted; and therefore, as the most effectual remedy for his grief, and for securing a more favourable state of things, he sent, at once, an account of the whole state of matters, and also a statement of the finances, and that of the army, to the court of Constantinople. The grand vezír found, it would appear, that military movements were a difficult thing to attend to, especially every time a fixed period was necessary to be observed with respect to those movements. Besides, the army of Romeili had been precluded from attending to their harvest. In short, all these things together had a powerful effect on Sinán Páshá’s mind, and led him to regret his having had any thing to do with the war at all.
In these circumstances, and being no way prepared to prosecute the war, he called together his emírs, commanders of castles, chiefs of the army, nobles, and other great and learned men, to consult them as to the steps which ought, in their situation, to be adopted. But fortunately, at this time, the succours, as to men and money, which his letters requested from the government of Constantinople, were hastening towards him.
It may be observed here, that it was not customary for the ághás of the Janissaries to go forth to war, except along with the emperor. On this occasion this rule was departed from, and Sáleh Mohammed Páshá was appointed to conduct the Janissaries to join the grand vezír Ibrahím Aghá, superintendent of the armoury, with a thousand men-at-arms, and a sufficient number of portable tents were attached to this expedition. They set out for Belgrade on the 1st of Rajab. On the Segbán Báshí, the commander of the guard, devolved the duties belonging to Sáleh Mohammed Páshá’s office during his absence from Constantinople.
Before these arrangements took place, however, Kapúdán Jeghala Zádeh was ordered out to sea with a fleet of five galleys carrying troops, who reached the Mediterranean before the middle of Shabán. Ghází Gheráí Khán of the Crimea, was also required to join the grand vezír, and assist him by his counsels and by his arms.
About the middle of the above-mentioned month, the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, began to collect his troops from their winter quarters, and commenced pitching his tents in the plains of Serim, when he ordered distribution of provision, &c. to be made to the men under his own command; where also he was soon afterwards joined by the following chiefs: viz. Mohammed Páshá, Válí of Sivás; Mohammed Páshá, Válí of Merœsh; Alí Páshá, Válí of Vœrka; Ahmed Páshá, the serdár or commander-in-chief of Buda; and Ahmed Páshá, governor of Bosnia: and where, too, the ághá and his Janissaries, sent from Constantinople, joined his camp.
The grand vezír and his associates in arms, after having consulted as to the mode of commencing their operations, resolved on attacking Yanuk first, and accordingly sent off their heavy baggage towards Tata. Mohammed Páshá, the grand vezír’s son, was appointed to command the artillery; the Governor of Buda, Hasan Páshá, to head the Cherkají troops or Iägers; the Governor of Bosnia, the advance guard; the Beglerbeg of Anatolia was appointed to command the right wing; another Beglerbeg was to command the left wing; and the Páshá or Válí of Merœsh, in conformity to ancient custom, was appointed to command the rear-guard.
On the 14th of Shevál the grand army advanced to the plains of Tata. Tata lies in a plain in the vicinity of mountains near the Danube, opposite to Komran, an island in the Danube, about two leagues from Tata. The enemy, who had posted themselves on the opposite side of the river, had also extended their lines as far as Tata; but this place after three days’ siege, yielded to the conquerors. A garrison was thrown into it, and such of the enemy as escaped from it fled to Komran.
In the mean time the Khán of the Tátárs reached the royal camp. He was seated on a beautiful horse, and alighted from it at the door of the grand vezír’s pavilion. After having rested himself on a suitable sofa, and taken some refreshment, a handsome ewer ornamented with gold was presented before him, in which he washed his hands, and which was afterwards handed to his armour-bearer. The Khán was also presented with a sword adorned with jewels, a bridle ornamented with gold, a two-edged dagger, a club with an iron head, and a most beautiful charger. Five thousand pieces of pure gold were also presented to him. The whole of the begs or princes, and such of the ághás as were present on this august occasion, conducted the Khán to his own royal tent. The fortress of Semarin, in the neighbourhood of Tata, was evacuated by the enemy and taken possession of by the Moslem troops.
Yanuk besieged.
This fortress, formerly called Kilvár, is situate on the banks of the Raab, which pours its waters into the Danube, and was on this occasion surrounded on the land side by an immense ditch filled with water, across which was a drawbridge which led into the city and fortress.
The Moslem army commenced their offensive operations by first attacking those of the enemy on the outside, and seized a number of prisoners. On the 18th of Dhu’l Kada, after the siege was regularly formed, skirmishing became general. The division of the Spáhís under the command of the Salihdár watched the trenches, and two other divisions were appointed to guard the camp and money-chest. A thousand men were employed in carrying earth from two different quarters, who daily threw a thousand bedalooshkas into the fosse. On the opposite side of the Danube, the enemy erected their tabúr or fortifications, directly opposite the fortress, and constructed also a bridge which communicated with the tabúr and the fortress, but which was not allowed to remain open for either man or beast. Twenty days thus passed away in mutual hostilities and skirmishing, when, behold, Duke Mathias, the brother of the Emperor of Austria, encamped in the vicinity of Komran with an army of 100,000 German, Hungarian, and similar infidels. A man of high rank, a Count, son-in-law to the King (of Hungary), was governor of the city and fortress. On one of the first ten days of the lunar month (i.e. on the 10th of Dhu’l hijjah), ten thousand of these execrated wretches rushed out and slew three thousand Moslems, whilst engaged in performing the duties and ceremonies of their religion on that solemn day, and committed, besides, some other injuries. They were, however, soon obliged to retrace their steps and hide themselves within their strong-holds, but it was found impossible to get them to shut the gate and prevent annoyance from that quarter.
It appeared to have become necessary, from some reason or other, to effect some changes. Accordingly we find, that the offices held by the son of the grand vezír and Hasan Páshá were exchanged, the one for the other. The government of Romeili was, therefore, transferred to Hasan Páshá, and