Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659. Mustafa Naima

Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659 - Mustafa Naima


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course lose all the property that is due to you: that is evident. Come, then, follow my advice, and go along with persons duly appointed into the province, collect what property you can, and pay yourselves out of it.” Manifesting for some time, however, some degree of hesitation and unwillingness, they at last agreed; but it turned out that the quantity they had collected was not sufficient to liquidate the whole of his debt, and they therefore pressed him to furnish the remainder. “Let the cazí of Yerkok,” said they, “be called, and let him examine the accounts. If he is unwell, his deputy, Alí Ján Effendí, may come in his stead;” for it was customary when any law-suit happened between any of the Mussulmans living in Valachia, that an appeal was made to the cazí of the above place. The cazí, or rather his deputy, Alí Ján, arrived and decided in favour of the appellants, whose receipts amounted to sixty thousand dollars. The contention was long, and a thousand obstacles presented themselves in settling this affair; but at last the sum of the debt was reduced to six thousand akchas.

      The above Alí Ján relates the following story about himself: “On retiring from the tribunal, and when I was outside of the city,” he says, “I was met by an old acquaintance, an infidel, who accosted me thus: ‘Alí Ján, you have been my friend for twenty years: do not let the evening overtake you, nor remain at Yerkok; but hasten as fast as you are able to Rusjuk, for all hope of accommodation is at an end,’ and immediately went away.” The deputy, perceiving some strange commotion and troops hastening towards the city, mounted his waggon, and made the best of his way to Yerkok; but had scarcely time to give the cazí an account of the affair in which he had been employed, before these raggamuffian soldiery murdered every one of the Waivoda’s creditors and every Mussulman in the place, and thence marched to Yerkok, which they also attacked. “Seeing no alternative left me but either to fall into the hands of these infidels, or make my escape,” says Alí Ján in continuation of his story, “and being a good swimmer, I immediately swam across the Danube. Another person swam across at the same time, and we were the only persons of the inhabitants of Yerkok, amounting to four thousand men, women, and children, that escaped being either murdered or made prisoners. The city they afterwards burned to the ground.”

      These events, now recorded, took place in Jemadi 1. of 1002. Those Musselmans that lived in Moldavia removed to Kili, to Ak-kermán, or to Korsú, as they found most convenient. Some of the people of Rusjuk who were present, and saw when these movements took place, sent an account of the whole state of matters to the court of Constantinople, but the Rusjukians themselves afterwards removed and dispersed themselves among the Balkan mountains.

      It being the winter season when these accounts reached the metropolis, the operations of war were deferred till the spring of the year.

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      In Jemadi I. of 1003 of the Hijrah, the constitution of the deceased emperor, now removed from this vain world to the distant light of God, became so shattered and altered, as to receive no benefit whatever from the skill and penetration of the medical faculty.

      At the commencement of his disease, the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá went in to see him into the palace at the very time when the singers or chanters, and the females of the palace, were all collected in the royal apartment; and though it was an exceedingly rare thing to read or chant verses on such an occasion, yet, contrary to usual custom, the Emperor ordered the following distich to be chanted:

      I am afflicted, O Fate!

      This night me watch, and me sustain.—3

      At the time the Emperor departed this life, two vessels from Egypt arrived before the royal fortress, and, according to ancient custom, commenced firing their guns in token of rejoicing. But such was the tremendous effect once and again which the concussion of the air, put in motion by the explosions, had upon the mirrors in the apartment next to the royal saloon, that they fell down from their places and were shattered to pieces. When these mariners, however, were made aware of what had taken place, and perceived the emblems of grief and affliction, their joy was turned into sorrow, and tears began to trickle down on their beards.

      On the night of the 5th of Jemadi II., the remains of the Emperor were carried from the bed of state to the table or board on which the dead bodies are washed, and were afterwards consigned to a coffin and put into a vault.

      For nearly two weeks the vezírs and military judges could come to no agreement among themselves how to act, with respect to settling the government. At length, the Aghá of the royal house, without informing any of the vezírs what he meant to do, and under the pretext of needing some water, called the Bostánjí Báshí, Ferhád Aghá; informed him of the secrets that were going on, and sent him with letters to the heir-apparent, at that time in Magnesia, calling upon him to return and ascend the throne of his ancestors. Two days after the above messenger was sent off, one of the vezírs, Ibrahím Páshá, learning the steps which the Aghá of the royal house had taken, immediately sent off a letter to the prince by Súfí Osmán Aghá, who followed the previous messenger close at his heels. Ferhád also, the governor or Káímakám of Constantinople, on learning these manœuvres, wrote officially to the young prince about his father’s death, and also letters of congratulation: seeking by these means to screen himself from all suspicion, and, at the same time, to ingratiate himself into the prince’s favour. He also made several promotions; and the day after sending off the above letter, he caused several criminals to be taken out of prison and executed before the multitude, with the view of awing them, and left their bodies exposed. His officers of police went about the city and kept every thing quiet and in good order.

      The young prince, Sultán Mohammed Khán, no sooner received intelligence of his father’s demise than he set sail from Medeyna on the 16th of Jemadi II., and landed near Sinán Páshá’s summer palace. Thence he immediately went into the royal harem, where he had an interview with his mother, and made arrangements for entering into mourning. His inauguration was completed before Friday, the day of assembly (i.e. the Mohammedan sabbath), when it was necessary for him to attend the mosque.

      After all these things were once over, the remains of the late emperor were carried into the area of the palace, when Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí said, “We are now assembled to perform the last duty, to our late Emperor,” and then requested permission to perform the funeral rites. Ferhád Páshá obtained this permission for him from the new emperor. But before he and the reverend prelate had time to come out from the royal presence, the Muftí, Bostán Zádeh, in virtue of his office, proudly arrogated to himself this honour, and without further ceremony commenced performing the obsequies in question. When Sa’d ud dín Effendí saw this he was greatly displeased, and said, “The relation of the dead, the chief mourner, granted me the permission of performing what you, the Muftí, have taken upon yourself to do. It is right and proper to perform the service over again.” The Muftí, in reply, observed, “that it was the permission of the Lord of the whole universe he possessed, and therefore that what the other demanded was not only unnecessary, but prohibited him from attempting it.” This circumstance was afterwards the cause of much ill will and strife between these two reverend divines.

      After this unpleasant discussion between the two prelates respecting the right of performing the funeral obsequies over the remains of the deceased emperor was finally ended, his Majesty, the Asylum of the World, returned to the royal harem, leaving his vezírs and other grandees to accompany the bier of his father to the vicinity of St. Sophia, where they interred it in a tomb previously prepared.

      In a tumult which had taken place on this occasion, nineteen brothers of the emperor, all innocent and guiltless, were strangled and added to the company of martyrs. Early next morning the reverend Muftí performed the customary prayers over these martyred bodies, which were afterwards interred in a grave at the foot of their father’s tomb.

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