A History of Matrimonial Institutions (Vol. 1-3). George Elliott Howard
wife or other woman within the precincts,"[1264] and "in the thirty-nine articles of 1563 the marriage of the clergy was recognized as permissible."[1265] Still throughout the reign of Elizabeth, apparently, clerical marriages continued to be resisted; for "in the Millenary Petition addressed by the Puritans to James I. at his accession, among other requests was one for the restoration of the laws of Edward VI. as to the marriage of priests.[1266] That restoration and, consequently, the repeal of the obstructing act of Mary were accomplished" in 1603.[1267]
In fact, the primitive ascetic ideal was by no means utterly extinct among the Protestant theologians of the Tudor period. Some, like Latimer, Fulke, and Hutchinson, insist that matrimony is inferior to virginity;[1268] and very generally it is still held to be ordained of heaven, especially as a "remedy" for sin, though more worthy motives are admitted. According to Bradford, God "has made womankind, and ordained the state of matrimony," "not only for the help and community of man, but also for a remedy of man's infirmity."[1269] Bullinger assigns the usual three reasons "for which God hath ordained marriage for men to embrace." The "first cause why wedlock was instituted is man's commodity, that thereby the life of man might be the pleasanter and more commodious; for Adam seemed not to live half happily nor sweetly enough, unless he had a wife to join himself unto; which wife is not in the scriptures called an impediment or necessary evil, as certain poets and beastly men who hated women have foolishly jangled."[1270] The "second cause is the begetting of children for the preservation of mankind;" and the third is to provide a safeguard against the weakness of the flesh.[1271]
Thus the change effected by the religious revolution in the conception of marriage, highly important as it was from a speculative point of view, was not destined to bear its proper fruit until after many days. In Germany, after a time, the bolder and more liberal teachings of Luther were generally ignored; so that by the middle of the seventeenth century the reactionary theories which had then gained ascendency were substantially in harmony with the ideas of the English clergy. In both countries the ecclesiastical courts still continued to try matrimonial causes in the spirit of the canon law; and more and more, as the new churches grew in power and became conservative, did the theological view of the nature of marriage approach the ancient dogma. "According to the canon law, the church claimed matrimonial jurisdiction because marriage was a sacrament; by the Protestants marriage was made almost a sacrament because the church exercised matrimonial jurisdiction."[1272] Not until the full triumph of civil marriage in the nineteenth century were the logical results of the new doctrines at last attained.
III. CHILD-MARRIAGES IN THE AGE OF ELIZABETH
Seldom has a more vivid light been thrown on social conditions than that afforded for the age of Elizabeth by the depositions taken in the bishop's court of the diocese of Chester, 1561-66, and edited for the Early English Text Society by Furnivall in 1897. Their value for the student is enhanced by the very lively "forewords" of the learned and enthusiastic editor. The evils naturally flowing from the law and doctrine of espousals are here realistically disclosed in the "trothplights" and the similar cases of "clandestine marriages."[1273] There is the usual juggling with the words of the present or future tense; and the usual puzzling over conditions and irregular phrases. For the basest of motives girls are tricked into vows which may or may not prove to be valid marriages according to the uncertain interpretation of the words or acts of betrothal sworn to in court. "Ten of the seventeen cases" of trothplight, says Furnivall, "show us men trying to sneak out of their contracts when they've had their fill of pleasure with the women."[1274] Needy and unscrupulous priests, worthy predecessors of the notorious Fleet parsons, without banns or license, are seen "solemnizing" the nuptials "accordinge to the book of Common prayer," in a private house, in a meadow, or on the "heighe waie," during "the night season" and "by the lighte of the moone."[1275]
The astonishing prevalence of child-marriages is, however, the most important fact revealed by these documents.[1276] In a single diocese during the short space of six years, besides three "ratifications," occurred twenty-eight cases of so-called divorce or voidance of contracts which were formed in infancy or early childhood. The age of the persons varies from two to thirteen years; and in at least ten cases the girl is older than the boy. It should also be observed that these thirty-one contracts are merely those brought before the court for confirmation or annulment after at least one of the parties has reached the age of puberty, which by the canon law is fixed at twelve for females and fourteen for males. It is, of course, proper to assume that the number of child-marriages which never thus came up for settlement was very much larger than the number of those which did so arise. What the number for all England may have been during the period, it is startling to contemplate! Moreover, the majority of these marriages took place, not among the rich or noble, but among common people of small means. In a number of instances we are told in the record that the infant bride or bridegroom was carried before the priest in someone's arms. Thus, in a case which arose in 1564, a witness deposes that "he was present bie, when John Somerforth and Jane Brerton were maried together in the parish church of Brerton about xij yeres ago ... that he carried the said John in his armes, beinge at tyme of the said Mariage about iij yeres of age, and spake somme of the wordes of Matrimonye, that the said John, bie reason of his younge age, cold not speake hym self, holdinge him in his armes all the while the wordes of Matrimonie were in speakinge. And one James Holford caried the said Jane in his armes, beinge at the said tyme about ij yeres of age, and spake all, or the most parte of, the wordes of matrimony for her." Being further "required whether the said marriage was euer ratified bie carnall Copulacion or other meane, Answereth that, in his Conscience, it was neuer." Another witness testified to the same facts and added, "it was the youngest Mariage that euer he was at."[1277]
Looked at from a religious point of view, it would be hard to imagine a more absurd travesty of "holy wedlock" than such proceedings conducted by the parish priest.[1278] Nor was there much sentiment involved in the matter. If the great folk betrothed their children while babes to escape the king's right of wardship, the small folk were influenced by like motives on a smaller scale. "If the parent of either child is mercenary," summarizes Furnivall, "a money-bargain is made for it: the father of a boy of two, gets from an older girl's father, 'monie to bie a pece of land,' and executes a Bond to repay the money if his boy doesn't marry the girl (pp. 6-9). In another case, the boy's father is in debt, 'and to get somme money of William Whitfield, to the discharge of his debtes, maried and bargained his sonne to the said Whitfeildes doughter' (pp. 23, 24). Again, a girl of 3 or 4 is married to a boy of 7 'biecause her frendes thought she shuld have had a lyvinge bie hym' (p. 4), and her father-in-law is under Bond to marry them (p. 5). So again, a girl's father says that she married a boy of her own age, 11-12 'biecause she shold have had bie hym a prety bargane, yf they cold have lovid, on the other' (p. 12). Another girl of 11 is married to a boy of 9, because, on her father's death, the boy's father gets the landlord's leave to take-on the girl's house (p. 10). Another girl of 8 is married to a boy of 10, because the boy's father feard 'lest he shuld lose his parte of his lyvinge' in a tenement which he held in common with the girl's protector (p. 14). In another instance, the girl's grandfather 'was a very welthie man; and it was supposed that he wold have bene good vnto' her & her boy-husband, 'and bestowid somme good ferme apon her' (p. 32), so a boy of 12 married her when she was 10. Other children are married 'bie the compulsion of their frendes' (pp. 11, 13, 23 &c.); another 'by a wile' (p. 16), the girl being invited by a relation of the boy's to come and make merry, and then married to the boy against her consent. But in one case, a girl arranged her own marriage. She was 'a bigge damsell & mariageable' (p. 47), that is, past 12, and evidently fancying a nice boy of 10-11, 'intised hym with two Apples, to go with her to Colne, and to marry her' (p. 45). No wonder that this boy 'repentid' next morning, and that others say 'at the tyme of their mariage they knewe not what they did' (p. 15)."[1279]
CHAPTER X
RISE OF CIVIL MARRIAGE
[Bibliographical Note X.—The beginning of the Puritan