Information Practices and Knowledge in Health. Группа авторов

Information Practices and Knowledge in Health - Группа авторов


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focused on patients and patient organizations that had acquired legitimacy in the public arena, thus contributing “to a new way of thinking about the relationship between science and the general public”. This relationship, according to the authors [CAR 99, p. 10] “[was] less of an asymmetrical relationship of expertise and pedagogy, but rather [allowed for] the expression of scientific uncertainties, the sensitive involvement of caregivers or the claims of patients” [ibid.]. The media appear to be the key players in this publicizing of health issues. As early as the 1980s, television relayed appeals for donations or compassion for the Telethon [WAL 98]; the “media coverage” of AIDS or the story of contaminated blood provided the opportunity for “tests of strength” between the political, medical and judicial arenas, as well as for the internal tests of strength in the journalistic field on the “legitimate definition of information” [CHA 94]. Beyond the media space, society as a whole is, according to the health sociologist Pierre Aïach [AÏA 98] and the anthropologist, sociologist and doctor Didier Fassin [FAS 98], going through a process of medicalization that they consider to be a cultural transformation. Protecting ourselves and fighting against illness, detecting and preventing risks, staying healthy, etc. have become a constant preoccupation, elevated to the rank of a movement: healthism [CRA 82]. This “concept”, which emerged during the 1970s and 1980s, refers in particular to the Foucauldian thesis according to which individuals come to adhere to social norms of their own free will, even though they are not forced to do so. According to Hélène Pouliquin, healthism is recognized as “an elevation of health to the rank of virtues and morality, accompanied by an individual duty to maintain health by making individuals responsible, even if at the same time the state disengages from acting on the social, political and economic determinants of health” [POU 15, p. 26]. Promotional discourse and consumer practices are part of this trend, as Benoit Lafon shows with another neologism he calls “sanitarization” to indicate, once again, a double movement perceptible in the “consumer press” [LAF 20]: on the one hand, the consideration of public health issues in entire sectors of the economy, which, beyond agriculture, concern various industrial activities such as agri-food, chemistry or electronics. On the other hand, the increasing consumerization of healthcare is manifested in the growth of medical devices, “reimbursed” by complementary health insurance organizations in competition with each other (glasses, hearing aids, etc.), or by the ever-expanding dynamics of the drug industry towards other areas to be medicalized (well-being, smoking, etc.). This same tendency can be found in food, as attested by a third neologism coined in 2009 by the food sociologist Jean-Pierre Poulain [POU 09]. Thus, the “nutritionalization” of food refers to the management of food in the context of a specific pathology by a health professional specialized in nutrition. It also refers to the massive diffusion of nutritional knowledge in health education, prevention campaigns and the media.


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