The Life of John Marshall (Volume 2 of 4). Beveridge Albert Jeremiah

263

Marshall, ii, 273.

264

Pacificus No. 1; Works: Lodge, iv, 432-44.

265

Marshall, ii, 327.

266

Marshall, ii, 322.

267

Jefferson to Washington, Dec. 31, 1793; Works: Ford, viii, 136.

268

Jefferson to Short, Jan. 28, 1792; ib., vi, 382.

269

Marshall, ii, 233.

270

Generally speaking, the same classes that secured the Constitution supported all the measures of Washington's Administration. (See Beard: Econ. O. J. D., 122-24.)

While the Republicans charged that Washington's Neutrality was inspired by favoritism to Great Britain, as it was certainly championed by trading and moneyed interests which dealt chiefly with British houses, the Federalists made the counter-charge, with equal accuracy, that the opponents of Neutrality were French partisans and encouraged by those financially interested.

The younger Adams, who was in Europe during most of this period and who carefully informed himself, writing from The Hague, declared that many Americans, some of them very important men, were "debtors to British merchants, creditors to the French government, and speculators in the French revolutionary funds, all to an immense amount," and that other Americans were heavily indebted in England. All these interests were against Neutrality and in favor of war with Great Britain – those owing British debts, because "war … would serve as a sponge for their debts," or at least postpone payment, and the creditors of the French securities, because French success would insure payment. (J. Q. Adams to his father, June 24, 1796; Writings, J. Q. A.: Ford, i, 506.)

271

Story, in Dillon, iii, 350.

272

Gabriel Jones, the ablest lawyer in the Valley, and, of course, a stanch Federalist.

273

Monroe to Jefferson, Sept. 3, 1793; Monroe's Writings: Hamilton, i, 274-75. Considering the intimate personal friendship existing between Monroe and Marshall, the significance and importance of this letter cannot be overestimated.

274

It was at this point, undoubtedly, that the slander concerning Marshall's habits was started. (See infra, 101-03.)

275

The above paragraphs are based on Justice Story's account of Marshall's activities at this period, supplemented by Madison and Monroe's letters; by the well-known political history of that time; and by the untrustworthy but not negligible testimony of tradition. While difficult to reconstruct a situation from such fragments, the account given in the text is believed to be substantially accurate.

276

See Works: Ford, xii, footnote to 451.

277

Madison to Jefferson, June 17, 1793; Writings: Hunt, vi, 134.

278

See infra, chap. v.

279

Madison to Jefferson, Sept. 2, 1793; Writings: Hunt, vi, 196.

280

See infra, chap. v. Robert Morris secured in this way all the money he was able to give his son-in-law for the Fairfax purchase.

281

Mrs. Carrington to her sister Nancy; undated; MS.

282

Ib.

283

See supra, vol. i, chap. vii.

284

See, for instance, Jefferson to Short (Sept 6, 1790; Works: Ford, vi, 146), describing a single order of wine for Washington and one for himself; and see Chastellux's account of an evening with Jefferson: "We were conversing one evening over a bowl of punch after Mrs. Jefferson had retired. Our conversation turned on the poems of Ossian… The book was sent for and placed near the bowl, where by their mutual aid the night far advanced imperceptibly upon us." (Chastellux, 229.)

Marshall's Account Book does not show any purchases of wine at all comparable with those of other contemporaries. In March, 1791, Marshall enters, "wine £60"; August, ditto, "£14-5-8"; September, 1792, "Wine £70"; in July, 1793, "Whisky 6.3.9" (pounds, shillings, and pence); in May, 1794, "Rum and brandy 6-4"; August, 1794, ditto, five shillings, sixpence; May, 1795, "Whisky £6.16"; Sept., "wine £3"; Oct., ditto, "£17.6."

285

Marshall to Stuart, March 27, 1794; MS., Va. Hist. Soc.

286

Major George Keith Taylor to Brigadier-General Mathews, July 19, 1794; Cal. Va. St. Prs., vii, 223.

287

Mathews to Taylor, July 20, 1794; ib., 224.

288

Governor Henry Lee "Commander-in-chief," to Marshall, July 21, 1794; MS., "War 10," Archives, Va. St. Lib.

289

"Dark blue coat, skirts lined with buff, capes, lapels and cuffs buff, buttons yellow. Epaulets gold one on each shoulder, black cocked hat, with black cockade, black stock, boots and side arms." (Division Orders, July 4, 1794; Cal. Va. St. Prs., vii, 204. But see Schoepf (ii, 43), where a uniform worn by one brigadier-general of Virginia Militia is described as consisting of "a large white hat, a blue coat, a brown waistcoat, and green breeches.")

290

Particular Orders, supra.

291

Marshall to Governor of Virginia, July 23, 1794; Cal. Va. St. Prs., vii, 228; and same to same, July 28, 1794; ib., 234.

292

Ib.

293

Marshall to Governor of Virginia, July 28, 1794; Cal. Va. St. Prs., vii, 235.

294

George Keith Taylor; see infra, chaps. x and xii.

295

Lee to the Secretary of War, July 28, 1794; Cal. Va. St. Prs., vii, 234.

296

See, for instance, Thompson's speech, infra, chap. vi.

297

Marshall, ii, 293.

298

Ib., 285.

299

Ib., 285.

300

Marshall to Stuart, March 27, 1794; MS., Va. Hist. Soc.

301

"The idea that Great Britain was the natural enemy of America had become habitual" long before this time. (Marshall, ii, 154.)

302

One reason for Great Britain's unlawful retention of these posts was her purpose to maintain her monopoly of the fur trade. (Ib., 194. And see Beard: Econ. O. J. D., 279.)

303

Marshall, ii, 320-21; and see Annals, 3d Cong., 1st Sess., 1793, 274-90; also Anderson, 29; and see prior war-inviting resolves and speeches in Annals, 3d Cong., supra, 21, 30, 544 et seq.; also Marshall, ii, 324 et seq.

304

Ames to Dwight, Dec. 12, 1794; Works: Ames, i, 154.

305

Ames to Gore, March 26, 1794; Works: Ames, i, 140. And see Marshall, ii, 324 et seq.

306

See Washington to Ball, Aug. 10, 1794; Writings: Ford, xii, 449.

307

See Van Tyne, chap. xi.

308

Marshall, ii, 286, 287.

309

Ib.

310

John Quincy Adams, who was in London and