The Life of John Marshall, Volume 3: Conflict and construction, 1800-1815. Beveridge Albert Jeremiah

The Life of John Marshall, Volume 3: Conflict and construction, 1800-1815 - Beveridge Albert Jeremiah


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Most of the houses were "small miserable huts" which, as Wolcott informed his wife, "present an awful contrast to the public buildings."12

      Aside from an increase in the number of residences and shops, the "Federal City" remained in this state for many years. "The Chuck holes were not bad," wrote Otis of a journey out of Washington in 1815; "that is to say they were none of them much deeper than the Hubs of the hinder wheels. They were however exceedingly frequent."13 Pennsylvania Avenue was, at this time, merely a stretch of "yellow, tenacious mud,"14 or dust so deep and fine that, when stirred by the wind, it made near-by objects invisible.15 And so this street remained for decades. Long after the National Government was removed to Washington, the carriage of a diplomat became mired up to the axles in the sticky clay within four blocks of the President's residence and its occupant had to abandon the vehicle.

      John Quincy Adams records in his diary, April 4, 1818, that on returning from a dinner the street was in such condition that "our carriage in coming for us … was overset, the harness broken. We got home with difficulty, twice being on the point of oversetting, and at the Treasury Office corner we were both obliged to get out … in the mud… It was a mercy that we all got home with whole bones."16

      Fever and other malarial ills were universal at certain seasons of the year.17 "No one, from the North or from the high country of the South, can pass the months of August and September there without intermittent or bilious fever," records King in 1803.18 Provisions were scarce and Alexandria, across the river, was the principal source of supplies.19 "My God! What have I done to reside in such a city," exclaimed a French diplomat.20 Some months after the Chase impeachment21 Senator Plumer described Washington as "a little village in the midst of the woods."22 "Here I am in the wilderness of Washington," wrote Joseph Story in 1808.23

      Except a small Catholic chapel there was only one church building in the entire city, and this tiny wooden sanctuary was attended by a congregation which seldom exceeded twenty persons.24 This absence of churches was entirely in keeping with the inclination of people of fashion. The first Republican administration came, testifies Winfield Scott, in "the spring tide of infidelity… At school and college, most bright boys, of that day, affected to regard religion as base superstition or gross hypocricy."25

      Most of the Senators and Representatives of the early Congresses were crowded into the boarding-houses adjacent to the Capitol, two and sometimes more men sharing the same bedroom. At Conrad and McMunn's boarding-house, where Gallatin lived when he was in the House, and where Jefferson boarded up to the time of his inauguration, the charge was fifteen dollars a week, which included service, "wood, candles and liquors."26 Board at the Indian Queen cost one dollar and fifty cents a day, "brandy and whisky being free."27 In some such inn the new Chief Justice of the United States, John Marshall, at first, found lodging.

      Everybody ate at one long table. At Conrad and McMunn's more than thirty men would sit down at the same time, and Jefferson, who lived there while he was Vice-President, had the coldest and lowest place at the table; nor was a better seat offered him on the day when he took the oath of office as Chief Magistrate of the Republic.28 Those who had to rent houses and maintain establishments were in distressing case.29 So lacking were the most ordinary conveniences of life that a proposal was made in Congress, toward the close of Jefferson's first administration, to remove the Capital to Baltimore.30 An alternative suggestion was that the White House should be occupied by Congress and a cheaper building erected for the Presidential residence.31

      More than three thousand people drawn hither by the establishment of the seat of government managed to exist in "this desert city."32 One fifth of these were negro slaves.33 The population was made up of people from distant States and foreign countries34– the adventurous, the curious, the restless, the improvident. The "city" had more than the usual proportion of the poor and vagrant who, "so far as I can judge," said Wolcott, "live like fishes by eating each other."35 The sight of Washington filled Thomas Moore, the British poet, with contempt.

      "This embryo capital, where Fancy sees

      Squares in morasses, obelisks in trees;

      Where second-sighted seers, even now, adorn

      With shrines unbuilt and heroes yet unborn,

      Though nought but woods and Jefferson they see,

      Where streets should run and sages ought to be."36

      Yet some officials managed to distill pleasure from materials which one would not expect to find in so crude a situation. Champagne, it appears, was plentiful. When Jefferson became President, that connoisseur of liquid delights37 took good care that the "Executive Mansion" was well supplied with the choicest brands of this and many other wines.38 Senator Plumer testifies that, at one of Jefferson's dinners, "the wine was the best I ever drank, particularly the champagne which was indeed delicious."39 In fact, repasts where champagne was served seem to have been a favorite source of enjoyment and relaxation.40

      Scattered, unformed, uncouth as Washington was, and unhappy and intolerable as were the conditions of living there, the government of the city was torn by warring interests. One would have thought that the very difficulties of their situation would have compelled some harmony of action to bring about needed improvements. Instead of this, each little section of the city fought for itself and was antagonistic to the others. That part which lay near the White House41 strove exclusively for its own advantage. The same was true of those who lived or owned property about Capitol Hill. There was, too, an "Alexandria interest" and a "Georgetown interest." These were constantly quarreling and each was irreconcilable with the other.42

      In all respects the Capital during the first decades of the nineteenth century was a representation in miniature of the embryo Nation itself. Physical conditions throughout the country were practically the same as at the time of the adoption of the Constitution; and popular knowledge and habits of thought had improved but slightly.43

      A greater number of newspapers, however, had profoundly affected public sentiment, and democratic views and conduct had become riotously dominant. The defeated and despairing Federalists viewed the situation with anger and foreboding. Of all Federalists John Marshall and George Cabot were the calmest and wisest. Yet even they looked with gloom upon the future. "There are some appearances which surprize me," wrote Marshall on the morning of Jefferson's inauguration to his intimate friend, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney.

      "I wish, however, more than I hope that the public prosperity & happiness will sustain no diminution under Democratic guidance. The Democrats are divided into speculative theorists & absolute terrorists. With the latter I am disposed to class Mr. Jefferson. If he ranges himself with


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<p>12</p>

Wolcott to his wife, July 4, 1800, Gibbs, ii, 377.

<p>13</p>

Otis to his wife, Feb. 28, 1815, Morison: Life and Letters of Harrison Gray Otis, ii, 170-71. This letter is accurately descriptive of travel from the National Capital to Baltimore as late as 1815 and many years afterward.

"The Bladensburg run, before we came to the bridge, was happily in no one place above the Horses bellies. – As we passed thro', the driver pointed out to us the spot, right under our wheels, where all the stage horses last year were drowned, but then he consoled us by shewing the tree, on which all the Passengers but one, were saved. Whether that one was gouty or not, I did not enquire…

"We … arriv'd safe at our first stage, Ross's, having gone at a rate rather exceeding two miles & an half per hour… In case of a break Down or other accident, … I should be sorry to stick and freeze in over night (as I have seen happen to twenty waggons) for without an extraordinary thaw I could not be dug out in any reasonable dinner-time the next day."

Of course conditions were much worse in all parts of the country, except the longest and most thickly settled sections.

<p>14</p>

Parton: Life of Thomas Jefferson, 622.

<p>15</p>

Plumer to his wife, Jan. 25, 1807, Plumer MSS. Lib. Cong.

<p>16</p>

Memoirs of John Quincy Adams: Adams, iv, 74; and see Quincy: Life of Josiah Quincy, 186.

Bayard wrote to Rodney: "four months [in Washington] almost killed me." (Bayard to Rodney, Feb. 24, 1804, N. Y. Library Bulletin, iv, 230.)

<p>17</p>

Margaret Smith to Susan Smith, Dec. 26, 1802, Hunt, 33; also Mrs. Smith to her husband, July 8, 1803, ib. 41; and Gallatin to his wife, Aug. 17, 1802, Adams: Gallatin, 304-05.

<p>18</p>

King to Gore, Aug. 20, 1803, Life and Correspondence of Rufus King: King, iv, 294; and see Adams: History of the United States, iv, 31.

<p>19</p>

Gallatin to his wife, Jan. 15, 1801, Adams: Gallatin, 253.

<p>20</p>

Wharton: Social Life, 60.

<p>21</p>

See infra, chap. iv.

<p>22</p>

Plumer to Lowndes, Dec. 30, 1805, Plumer: Life of William Plumer, 244.

"The wilderness, alias the federal city." (Plumer to Tracy, May 2, 1805, Plumer MSS. Lib. Cong.)

<p>23</p>

Story to Fay, Feb. 16, 1808, Life and Letters of Joseph Story: Story, i, 161.

<p>24</p>

This was a little Presbyterian church building, which was abandoned after 1800. (Bryan, i, 232; and see Hunt, 13-14.)

<p>25</p>

Memoirs of Lieut. – General Scott, 9-10. Among the masses of the people, however, a profound religious movement was beginning. (See Semple: History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in Virginia; and Cleveland: Great Revival in the West.)

A year or two later, religious services were held every Sunday afternoon in the hall of the House of Representatives, which always was crowded on these occasions. The throng did not come to worship, it appears; seemingly, the legislative hall was considered to be a convenient meeting-place for gossip, flirtation, and social gayety. The plan was soon abandoned and the hall left entirely to profane usages. (Bryan, i, 606-07.)

<p>26</p>

Gallatin to his wife, Jan. 15, 1801, Adams: Gallatin, 253.

<p>27</p>

Wharton: Social Life, 72.

<p>28</p>

Hunt, 12.

<p>29</p>

See Merry to Hammond, Dec. 7, 1803, as quoted in Adams: U.S. ii, 362.

Public men seldom brought their wives to Washington because of the absence of decent accommodations. (Mrs. Smith to Mrs. Kirkpatrick, Dec. 6, 1805, Hunt, 48.)

"I do not perceive how the members of Congress can possibly secure lodgings, unless they will consent to live like scholars in a college or monks in a monastery, crowded ten or twenty in a house; and utterly excluded from society." (Wolcott to his wife, July 4, 1800, Gibbs, ii, 377.)

<p>30</p>

Plumer to Thompson, March 19,1804, Plumer MSS. Lib. Cong. And see Annals, 8th Cong. 1st Sess. 282-88. The debate is instructive. The bill was lost by 9 yeas to 19 nays.

<p>31</p>

Hildreth: History of the United States, v, 516-17.

<p>32</p>

Plumer to Lowndes, Dec. 30, 1805, Plumer, 337.

<p>33</p>

Channing: History of the United States, iv, 245.

<p>34</p>

Bryan, i, 438.

<p>35</p>

Wolcott to his wife, July 4, 1800, Gibbs, ii, 377.

"The workmen are the refuse of that class and, nevertheless very high in their demands." (La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt: Travels Through the United States of North America, iii, 650.)

<p>36</p>

"To Thomas Hume, Esq., M.D.," Moore: Poetical Works, ii, 83.

<p>37</p>

See Jefferson to Short, Sept. 6, 1790, Works of Thomas Jefferson: Ford, vi, 146; same to Mrs. Adams, July 7, 1785, ib. iv, 432-33; same to Peters, June 30,1791, ib. vi, 276; same to Short, April 24, 1792, ib. 483; same to Monroe, May 26, 1795, ib. viii, 179; same to Jay, Oct. 8, 1787, Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, from the Papers of Thomas Jefferson: Randolph, ii, 249; also see Chastellux: Travels in North America in the Years 1780-81-82, 299.

<p>38</p>

See Singleton: Story of the White House, i, 42-43.

<p>39</p>

Plumer to his wife, Dec. 25, 1802, Plumer, 246.

<p>40</p>

"Mr. Granger [Jefferson's Postmaster-General] … after a few bottles of champagne were emptied, on the observation of Mr. Madison that it was the most delightful wine when drank in moderation, but that more than a few glasses always produced a headache the next day, remarked with point that this was the very time to try the experiment, as the next day being Sunday would allow time for a recovery from its effects. The point was not lost upon the host and bottle after bottle came in." (S. H. Smith to his wife, April 26, 1803. Hunt, 36.)

<p>41</p>

At that time it was called "The Executive Mansion" or "The President's Palace."

<p>42</p>

Bryan, i, 44; also see La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, iii, 642-51.

<p>43</p>

See vol. i, chaps. vi and vii, of this work.