Villainage in England: Essays in English Mediaeval History. Paul Vinogradoff
the manor. In principle it was always considered that such had been the services at the time of the Conquest209, but practically, of course, there could be no attempt to examine into such ancient history. The men of King's Ripton actually pleaded back to the time of King Cnut, and maintained that no prescription was available against their rights as no prescription could avail against the king210. The courts naturally declined to go higher than men could remember, but they laid down this limitation entirely as one of practice and not of principle211. Metingham demanded that the claimants should make good their contention even for a single day in Richard Cœur de Lion's time212. The men of Wycle combine both assertions in their contention against Mauger; they appeal to the age of the first Norman kings, but offer to prove the certainty of their services in the reigns of Richard and John213.
Nature of tenancy in ancient demesne.
Now all that has been said hitherto applied to 'the tenants in ancient demesne' indiscriminately, without regard to any diversity of classes among them. Hitherto I have not noticed any such diversity, and in so doing I am warranted by the authorities. Those authorities commonly speak of 'men' or 'tenants in ancient demesne' without any further qualification214. Sometimes the expression 'condition of ancient demesne' also is used. But closer examination shows a variety of classes on the privileged soil, and leads to a number of difficult and interesting problems.
To begin with, the nature of the tenancy in general has been much contested. As to the law of later times Mr. Elton puts the case in this way: 'There is great confusion in the law books respecting this tenure. The copyholders of these manors are sometimes called tenants in ancient demesne, and land held in this tenure is said to pass by surrender and admittance. This appears to be inaccurate. It is only the freeholders who are tenants in ancient demesne, and their land passes by common law conveyances without the instrumentality of the lord. Even Sir W. Blackstone seems to have been misled upon this point. There are however, as a rule, in manors of ancient demesne, customary freeholders and sometimes copyholders at the will of the lord, as well as the true tenants in ancient demesne215.' Now such a description seems strangely out of keeping with the history of the tenure. Blackstone speaks of privileged copyhold as descended from privileged villainage216; and as to the condition in the thirteenth century of those 'men' or 'tenants in ancient demesne' of whom we have been speaking, there can be no doubt. Bracton and his followers lay down quite distinctly that their tenure is villainage though privileged villainage. The men of ancient demesne are men of free blood holding in villainage217. And to take up the special point mentioned by Mr. Elton—conveyance by surrender and admittance is a quite necessary feature of the tenure218: conveyance by charter makes the land freehold and destroys its ancient demesne condition219. But although this is so clear in the authorities of the thirteenth century, there is undoubtedly a great deal of confusion in later law books, and reasons are not wanting which may account for this fact and for the doctrine propounded by Mr. Elton in conformity with certain modern treatises and decisions.
Classes of tenantry.
We may start with the observation, that privileged villains or villain socmen are not the only people to be found on the soil of the ancient demesne. There are free tenants there and pure villains too220. Free socage is often mentioned in these manors, and it is frequently pleaded in order to get a trial transferred to the Common Law Courts. When the question is raised whether a tenement is free or villain socage, the fact that it has been conveyed by feoffment and charter is treated, as has just been pointed out, as establishing its freehold character and subjecting it to the ordinary common law procedure221. On the other hand, registers and extents of ancient demesne manors sometimes treat separately of 'nativi' or 'villani' as distinguished from the regular customary tenants, and describe their services as being particularly base222. In trials it is quite a common thing for a lord, when accused of having altered the services, to plead that the plaintiffs were his villains to be treated at will. Attempts were made in such cases to take advantage of the general term 'men of ancient demesne,' and to argue that all the population on the crown manors must be of the same condition, the difference of rank applying only to the amount and the kind of services, but not to their certainty, which ought to be taken for granted223. But strictly and legally the lord's plea was undoubtedly good: the courts admitted it, and when it was put forward proceeded to examine the question of fact whether the lord had been actually seised of certain or of uncertain services224. It is of considerable importance to note that the difference between villains pure and villains privileged was sometimes connected with the distinction between the lord's demesne and the tenant's land in the manor225. The demesne proper was frank fee in the hands of the lord, and could be used by him at his pleasure. If he chose to grant it away to villains in pure villainage, the holdings thus formed could have no claim to rank as privileged land. It was assumed that some such holdings had been formed at the very beginning, as it were, that is at a time beyond memory of man, but tenements at will could be created at a later time on approved waste or on soil that had escheated to the lord and in this way passed through his demesne226. One of the reasons of later confusion must be looked for in the fact that the pure villain holdings gradually got to be recognised at law as copyhold or base customary tenures. They were thus brought dangerously near to ancient demesne socage, which was originally nothing but base customary tenure. The very fact of copyhold thus gaining on villain socage may have pushed this last on towards freehold. Already the Old Natura Brevium does not know exactly how to make distinctions. It speaks of three species of socage—free, ancient demesne, and base. The line is soon drawn between the first two, but the third kind is said to be held by uncertain services, and sued by writ of 'Monstraverunt' instead of having the writs of right and 'Monstraverunt' of ancient demesne socage227. Probably what is meant is a species of copyhold which is not socage, and the writ of 'Monstraverunt' attributed to it may perhaps be the plaint or petition which is the initial move in a suit for the protection of copyhold in the manorial court.
Villain socage.
In the time of Henry III and of the Edwards the nature of ancient demesne tenure was better understood. At the close of the thirteenth century the lawyers distinguish three kinds of men—free, villains, and socmen228. In order to be quite accurate people spoke of villain socmen or little socage229 in opposition to free. But even at that time there were several confusing features about the case. The certainty of condition made the tenure of the villain socmen so like a freehold that it was often treated as such in the manorial documents. In the Stoneleigh Register the peculiar nature of socage in ancient demesne is described fully and clearly. It is distinguished in so many words from tenancy at will, and a detailed description of conveyance by surrender in contrast with conveyance by charter seems to give the necessary material for the distinction between it and freehold230. But still the fundamental notion of free men holding in villainage gets lost sight of. Only some of the cottiers are said to hold in villainage. The more important tenants, the socmen holding virgates and half-virgates, are not only currently described as freeholders in the Register, but they are entered as such on the Warwickshire Hundred Roll231. The term 'parva sokemanria' is applied in the Stoneleigh Register only to a few subordinate holdings which are undoubtedly above the level of pure villainage, but cannot be definitely distinguished
Fitzherbert, Abr. Cause de remover ple, 18 (Y.B., M., 21 Edw. III): '
Coram Rege, Tr. 3 Edw. I, m. 14, d: 'Et unde predicti homines (de Kyngesripton) queruntur quod temporibus Cnout regis quo manerium illud fuit in manu dicti antecessoris sui tenuerunt tenementa sua per seruicia subscripta, videlicet reddendi pro qualibet virgata terre 5 solidos, etc. Et omnes antecessores sui tenuissent tenementa sua per predicta seruicia usque ad conquestum Anglie, et a conquestu usque ad tempus regis Henrici aui regis Johannis aui domini regis nunc, usque ad tempus cuiusdam Abbatis de Rameseye Roberti Dogge nomine qui tempore Henrici Regis distrinxit antecessores suos ad dandum relevium pro voluntate sua, etc. Et Abbas dicit quod non debet eis ad hoc breue respondere, quia desicut in narracione sua non faciunt mencionem quod ipsi extitissent in tali statu in quo fuerunt tempore regis Knout, quem statum ipsi clamant habere, tempore aliorum regum de quo memoria haberi possit nec de quo breue de recto currit nec aliqua verificacio per patriam fieri possit.... Et Reginaldus et alii bene cognoscunt quod ipse Abbas et predecessores sui exstiterunt in seysina percipiendi ab ipsis et antecessoribus suis predicta seruicia indebita a tempore predicti Henrici regis. Set desicut istud breue quod conceditur in fauorem dominicorum domini Regis non habet prescriptionem temporis, petunt judicium si [racione?] alicujus longiqui termini debeant ab actione excludi sua.'
Y.B., M., 15 Edw. II, p. 455: '
Y.B., 21/22 Edw. I, 499 et sqq.
Coram Rege, Pasch. 1 Edw. II, m. 26: 'Postquam idem manerium ad manus antecessorum predicti Maugeri deuenit usque ad tempus memorie, videlicet temporibus regum Ricardi, Johannis et statum illum toto tempore predicto pacifice continuaverunt et habuerunt.' Coram Rege, M. 5 Edw. II, m. 77: 'Unde queruntur quod cum ipsi homines et eorum antecessores tempore Regum Anglie progenitorum domini Regis nunc, videlicet tempore Regis Willelmi Conquestoris et Willelmi Regis filii sui et eciam tempore Regis Henrici primi solebant tenere terras suas per quaedam certa seruicia videlicet,' etc.
I will here cite Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237, as an instance, although there is hardly any call for quotation on this point.
Law of Copyhold, 8. Cf. the same author's Tenures in Kent, 182.
Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii., especially pp. 128, 129.
Bracton: 'liberi de condicione … tenentes villenagium.' Britton: 'hommes de franc saunc.'
Stoneleigh Reg., 75: 'Item si quis de voluntate et assensu domini facto fine cum domino voluerit dare tenementum suum ad opus alicuius, ueniet in curia cum virga et sursum reddet huiusmodi tenementum ad manum domini sine carta ad opus ementis vel cui datur et ballivus domini habitis prius herietis et aliis de iure domino debitis dictum tenementum emptori seu cui dabitur et heredibus suis secundum consuetudinem manerii habendum et tenendum liberabit in (cum
Placitorum Abbrev. 233, Berks. Cf. Britton, i. 287, note c.
Bracton, f. 7.
Jurate et Assise, 45 Henry III, Placitorum Abbr., p. 150: 'Et Galfridus de Praule bene cognoscit quod predictum manerium est antiquum dominicum Dom. Regis set dicit quod predictum tenementum est liberum tenementum ita quod assisa debet inde fieri.... Dicit enim quod ipse feofatus est de predicto tenemento de quodam Willelmo Harold per cartam suam quam profert.... Et juratores quesiti si antecessores ejusdem Willelmi feofati fuerunt per cartam vel si aliquis de tenura illa unquam placitaverunt per diversa brevia vel non, dicunt quod non recolunt.'
Stoneleigh Reg., 12: 'Fuerunt eciam tunc quatuor natiui siue serui in le lone quorum quilibet nouum mesuagium et unum quartronum terre cum pertinenciis per seruicia subscripta videlicet leuando furcas, etc. … et debebant … redimere sanguinem suum et dare auxilium domino ad festum Sti. Michaelis scilicet ayde et facere braseum Domini et alia seruicia seruilia.' As to some details, see Dugdale, Antiquities of Warwickshire, i. 176.
Coram Rege, Pasch. 1 Edw. II, m. 26: '(Maugerus) defendit vim et injuriam quando, etc. Et dicit quod qualitercunque iidem homines asserant se et antecessores suos tenentes, etc. certa seruicia dominis de Wycle antecessoribus ipsius Maugeri et sibi fecisse et facere debere, quod omnes antecessores sui domini de eodem manerio extiterunt seisiti de predictis hominibus et eorum antecessoribus tenentibus tenementa quae ipsi modo tenent ibidem ut de uillanis suis taillabilibus alto et basso ad voluntatem ipsorum dominorum et redempcionem sanguinis et alia villana seruicia et incerta et villanas consuetudines faciendo a tempore quo non extat memoria.... Et predicti homines dicunt quod ipsi sunt tenentes de antiquo dominico, etc., prout curie satis liquet et quod omnes tenentes in dominico Regis per certa seruicia et certas consuetudines tenent et tenere debent, quidam per maiora et quidam per minora secundum consuetudinem, set semper per certa,' etc. Coram Rege, Mich. 5 Edw. II, m. 77, v: 'Nec dedici potest quia tenentes de antiquo dominico certa seruicia et certas consuetudines tenentur facere et non ad voluntatem dominorum.'
Y.B., M., 15 Edw. II, p. 455: '
Bracton, 209: 'Item est manerium domini regis et dominicum in manerio, et sic plura genera hominum in manerio, vel quia ab initio vel quia mutato villenagio.' The meaning of this badly worded passage is made clearer by a comparison with f. 7: 'In dominico domini regis plura sunt genera hominum; sunt enim ibi servi sive nativi ante conquestum, in conquestu, et post, et tenent villenagia et per villana servitia et incerta qui usque in hodiernum diem villanas faciunt consuetudines et incertas et quicquid eis preceptum fuerit (dum tamen licitum et honestum).... Est etiam aliud genus hominum in maneriis domini regis, et tenent de dominico et per easdem consuetudines et servitia villana, per quae supradicti (villani socmanni) et non in villenagio, nec sunt servi nec fuerunt in conquestu, ut primi, sed per quandam conventionem quam cum dominis fecerunt.' Cf. Elton, Tenures of Kent, 180.
Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstrav. 3 (Pasch. 41 Edw. III). '
Natura Brevium, f. 105. Cf. 16.
Y.B., 21/22 Edw. I, p. 499: 'Treis maners de gents.'
Bracton, f. 209: Fitzherbert, Monstrav. 3 (Pasch. 41 Edw. III): '
Stoneleigh Reg., 32: 'Et quod in eodem manerio sunt diuerse tenure secundum consuetudinem manerii illius totis temporibus retroactis usitatam, videlicet quidam tenentes eiusdem manerii tenent terras et tenementa sua in sokemanria de feodo et hereditate de qua quidem tenura talis habetur et omni tempore habebatur consuetudo, videlicet quod quando aliquis tenens eiusdem tenure terram suam alicui alienare uoluerit, veniet in curiam coram ipso Abbate vel eius senescallo et per uirgam sursum reddat in manum domini terram sic alienandam.... Et si aliquis terram aliquam huiusmodi tenure infra manerium predictum per cartam uel sine carta absque licentia dicti Abbatis alienauerit aliter quam per sursum reddicionem in curia in forma predicta, quod terra sic extra curiam alienata domino dicti manerii erit forisfacta in perpetuum. Dicunt eciam quod quidam sunt tenentes eiusdem manerii ad voluntatem eiusdem Abbatis. Et si quis eorundem tenencium terram sic ad voluntatem tentam alienauerit in feodo, quod liceat dicto Abbati terram illam intrare et illam tanquam sibi forisfactam sibi in perpetuum retinere.'
A comparison of the data in the Stoneleigh Register and in the Roll is given in App. VI. Cf. Bract. Note-book, pl. 834: 'Legales homines de manerio de Havering.'