Upper Canada Preserved — War of 1812 6-Book Bundle. Richard Feltoe
was scheduled to mount no less than twenty-six 32-pounder short-barrelled carronades as her main broadside armament and two pairs of 18-pounder long guns as bow and stern chasers. As the next largest British vessel, the Royal George, carried only twenty of these carronades, while the largest American vessel then afloat, the Madison, also had twenty-six carronades, the Sir Isaac Brock therefore represented a major threat to the Americans and a valuable prize for the taking. In addition, the Duke of Gloucester and General Hunter were undergoing repairs at York. If these two ships were also captured intact they would greatly augment the American naval powerbase on Lake Ontario.
The Sir Isaac Brock, Owen Staples, artist, date unknown. An impression of the incomplete Sir Isaac Brock on the stocks at the small shipyard at York in 1813. The partially dismantled Duke of Gloucester is in the background. The Brock was the primary target for capture by the invaders, but deliberately burned by the retreating British during the battle to deny the Americans this valuable prize.
The antiquated Cromwell-era cannon used at the battle of York, now on display at the Fort York historic site in Toronto.
Toronto Reference Library, JRR 15211.
Under changing winds and choppy swells, the American fleet arrived within sight of the town on the evening of Monday the 26th — causing the garrison at Fort York to sound the alarm guns as a signal that war was descending on their quiet bayside community.
Fort York, S. Streton, artist, circa 1803. The early fort (1793) with the Government House lies inside the low fence (centre left), while the 1813 fort (that the Americans attacked) lies to the right of the flagstaff. The stone magazine (not shown) was built directly into the lakeside embankment, about where the low fence ends at left.
Library and Archives Canada, C-14822 and C-18803.
Fort York, S. Streton, artist, circa 1804. A view of Fort York as it would have appeared at the time of the attack in April 1813.
Library and Archives Canada, C-14905.
The town of York and its defences in 1813
Unfortunately, the fortifications of Fort York were completely inadequate to the task of fending off an enemy attack. In fact, the fort could be better described as a small supply depot, defended by mediocre blockhouses, loopholed barracks, dilapidated gun batteries, and antiquated artillery pieces (one of which dated back to the period of Oliver Cromwell, some 150 years earlier!). These derelict antiques had previously been condemned and had their trunnions (elevating swivels) cut off to make them unworkable. However, at the onset of war, these substandard weapons had been resurrected for active use and mounted on makeshift carriages using heavy-duty clamps and straps to hold the barrels in place. The only question was, who would be the first to be killed by these guns, the enemy or their crew? In a similar vein, although additional defensive earthworks and a small battery position had been constructed to the west of the main garrison, protecting the official governmental residence, none were complete or fully armed with artillery. Finally, although intended to be already afloat, construction of the Sir Isaac Brock was seriously behind schedule, due to infighting between the senior officials in charge of the project and the either total incompetence or deliberate malfeasance of the dockyard supervisor, Thomas Plunkett.
THE BATTLE OF YORK, APRIL 27, 1813
At dawn on April 27th, the American fleet began their approach toward land. General Sheaffe expected they would make simultaneous landings on both flanks of the fort, and in response had detached a battalion company of the 8th (King’s) Regiment, plus detachments of militia to cover his eastern flank, protect the town, and cover his line of communications and retreat to Kingston. The remainder of his troops he held at the fort until the American intentions became clear.*[3] However, pressed by a strengthening wind, the American fleet was blown well west of its planned landing site, into the wide Humber Bay lying beyond a small headland. As a result, they were well beyond the range of any of the fort’s guns or detached batteries and would be able to land unopposed. There was also the distinct possibility that, by landing near to the Humber River, the Americans might locate the inland trail that led directly from the river crossing to the north side of York, bypassing all of the established defences that faced the lake.*[4] In response, Sheaffe was forced to improvise a new defensive plan. Recalling his eastern detachments, he sent the bulk of his Embodied Militia, backed by the Glengarry Light Infantry, north to cover the inland road. Beyond that, however, the remainder of the detachments were simply ordered to march toward the projected American landing site and engage the enemy, with no planned strategic or tactical coordination, and, more importantly, no artillery support. Unfortunately, as they advanced along the lakeside trail, these detachments soon came under cannon fire from the American fleet. As a result, some units were forced to detour and wend their way along narrower inland footpaths, thus delaying their commitment against the enemy.
Major General R.H. Sheaffe (“Sheef”) in later life. He was fifty years old at the time of the Battle of York. Partially as a result of criticism over his defeat at York, he was later replaced as lieutenant governor of Upper Canada (June 1813), before being eventually recalled to England in August 1813, where he saw out the end of the war.
Library and Archives Canada, C-128832.
As the American landing boats approached the shore, to the west of the ruins of the old French trading post Fort Rouillé, only a party of Native warriors were in place under the cover of the treeline. Opening fire, they inflicted heavy casualties amongst the tightly packed Americans until increasing numbers of Forsyth’s riflemen landed on their flank and forced them to retreat through the woods. At this point, the grenadier company from the 8th (King’s) Regiment arrived at the landing zone and, although already vastly outnumbered, immediately engaged the enemy troops with a tight volley. Replying in kind, the Americans pressed forward, leading to hand-to-hand fighting in the shallows and along the beach. Within the space of a few moments, the “King’s” detachment had lost some forty-six men killed and a further thirty wounded, including their commander, Captain Neal McNeale. Without additional reinforcements, the few surviving defenders began a fighting retreat against the American advance guard, while the succeeding waves of Americans consolidated their bridgehead before commencing their advance toward the British garrison.
Reaching a lakeside clearing at the site of the derelict Fort Rouillé, the Americans came up against the hastily assembled British line, composed of companies of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, the 8th (King’s) Regiment, one company of the newly formed Incorporated Militia, and, as the action continued, the Glengarry Light Infantry, who had left the Embodied Militia positions and marched to the sound of the guns. For over an hour the action fluctuated across the clearing, with both sides pressing to gain an advantage. However, as additional American reinforcements joined the action, the balance of firepower shifted in favour of the Americans. Eventually, without reinforcements and taking increasing numbers of casualties, the defenders were forced to break off and make yet another slow fighting retreat, this time to the Western Battery. Here they expected they would be reinforced by the previously detached Embodied Militia units. However, apart from Captain Jarvie’s company of Incorporated Militia, which had already taken casualties in the fighting at Fort Rouillé, no additional help was forthcoming. Once the Americans came within range, the troops that had crowded inside the Western Battery opened fire and another heavy exchange of shooting began. However, moments