We, the People. Adolph Psy.D. Caso
have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a Nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skins, but by the conduct of their character.
His words and his actions served to awaken some Americans to the original rights expressed in the Preamble of the Constitution. Yet, though much legislation passed on behalf of Civil Rights, progress was made at legal and theoretical levels; little progress has been made in achieving equitable, practical and wholesome coverage for a great number of Americans living as they do–whites, blacks, native Americans, and Hispanics alike. In view of the little substantive progress, one has to conclude that the changes, having benefited few, have exacerbated the lot of many. Considering the opportunities that America offers, one has to ask why this is happening in view of America's wealth, the basic goodness of its people, and the guiding force inherent in the documents that make America's Democracy possible–why is racism so rampant!
Citing the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, Dr. King claims for himself, for his "four little children" and for all of us the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness guaranteed by our documents.
Having created a revolution with his words and deeds, there followed a counter-revolution that has not yet abated. Dr King's supposed followers have created power blocks based on physical attributes rather than on "the conduct of...[one's] character." The counter revolution may have achieved some short-range goals. Surely, for the long range results, power blocks–be they of color, ethnicity, religion or gender, are doomed to failure. Rage should never replace vision. As for Dr. King, his revolution was based on vision; as for his followers, their counter revolution is based on rage and they are, unfortunately, insuring that those rights inherent in "We, the People" remain unattainable. Yet, the potentials are there, both for Dr. King's "four little children" and for all other children, because when equal rights are denied to one, they are denied to all, and the "dream" un-necessarily remains a dream.
DOCUMENTS
MAYFLOWER COMPACT
November 11, 1620
In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereigne Lord King James, by the Grace of God, of Great Britaine, France, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, having undertaken for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and the honor of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe, by these presents, solemnly and mutually in the presence of God and one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body politick, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof do enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the Colonie unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names at Cap-Cod the llth of November, in the reign of our sovereigne lord, King James of England, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth and of Scotland, the fifty-fourth. Anno. Domini, 1620.
| Mr. John Carver | Mr. Stephen Hopkins |
| Mr. William Bradford | Digery Priest |
| Mr. Edward Winslow | Thomas Williams |
| Mr. William Brewster | Gilbert Winslow |
| Isaac Allerton | Edmund Margesson |
| Miles Standish | Peter Brown |
| John Alden | Richard Bitteridge |
| John Turner | George Soule |
| Francis Eaton | Edward Tilly |
| James Chilton | John Tilly |
| John Craxton | Francis Cooke |
| John Billington | Thomas Rogers |
| Joses Fletcher | Thomas Tinker |
| John Goodman | John Ridgate |
| Mr. Samuel Fuller | Edward Fuller |
| Mr. Christopher Martin | Richard Clark |
| Mr. William Mullins | Richard Gardiner |
| Mr. William White | Mr. John Allerton |
| Mr. Richard Warren | Thomas English |
| John Howland | Edward Doten |
| Edward Liester |
An Essay
ON CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS
Translated from the Italian;
Translated from the French.
Fourth Edition
In all things, and especially in the most difficult ones, we cannot expect one to concomitantly sow and reap the harvest; but we must first make preparations, and allow that things reach maturity little by little. (Bacon)
LONDON
Printed for F. Newberry, at the Corner of
St. Paul's Church-Yard.
M DCC LXXV.
The Reader
The bulk of traditional legal opinions which throughout Europe have unfortunately been called laws are based on some remnants of an ancient conquering people's laws that a prince from Constantinople had had compiled only about twelve centuries ago. Later, they were mixed with Longobardian rituals; now they are gathered into encyclopedic-type volumes by private and little known interpreters of these laws. That our very men committed to uphold the lives and fortunes of other men should do so by obeying laws based on a single opinion of a Carpzov or on an ancient usage mentioned by a Claro, or administer punishments with irate complacency as suggested by a Farinaccio is indeed a prevalent practice today as it is pernicious. These laws–drainage of the most barbarous of centuries, are examined in this book for that part that deals with criminal procedure whose disorders I wish to expose to those entrusted in securing the public's pursuit of happiness, in a style which should keep away only the illiterate and the ignoramus.
My simple inquiry of truth, and my freedom from public opinions with which this book is written, are the result of the sweet and enlightened manner in which I govern myself. The great monarchs and the benefactors of humanity who rule over us, should love the truth set forth herein with little fanatical vigor by this little known philosopher, reacting only against those who turn to force or to cunning industry and not to reason. The present disorders for the one who well examines all the circumstances, are the satire and the reproach of the past centuries and not of our century or of its legislators.
Therefore, let those who wish to honor me with their criticism begin to do so by understanding first the purpose of this work; for, far from trying to diminish legitimate authority, I wish to increase it more by the power of thinking than by that of force, especially if in the eyes of mankind authority is based on gentleness and on humanity. The misunderstood criticism published against this book is based on confused notions; as a result, this criticism forces me to interrupt for a moment my arguments to the enlightened readers in order to close once and for all