The New Latin America. Manuel Castells

The New Latin America - Manuel  Castells


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has always been defined by global powers and companies as a territory for the extraction of commodities and natural resources; currently this mainly means lithium, copper, iron, rare and precious minerals, agricultural products, forestry, oil, gas, and coca leaves, among others. However, the networks of economic power that connect extractive territories to global developments driven by companies in sharp competition (as in the Chinese, German, Australian, and Japanese companies caught in disputes over lithium) are still in flux. These conflicts have an increasing influence on the dynamics of crisis and political confrontation in the region. This can be seen in the breaking of the agreement between the Bolivian government and German companies, meant to allow the latter to extract lithium, a break that resulted from the criticisms and protests that took place in the second half of 2019 in the Potosí Department in Bolivia.

      In political terms, threats to liberal democracy are also related to profound changes in the international arena, particularly given the United States’ aggressive policy toward Latin America under the Trump administration. This policy appears to represent a return to the Cold War era, when conspiracies and misinformation were the norm and contributed to the deterioration of democracy in the region. Thus, new crises and conflicts lead to fragmentation, with military forces once again taking center stage. The more socio-institutional processes and agreements fail, the greater the power and influence of the military will become. This phenomenon is furthered by the resurgence of hyper-ideologization, which has found a perfect vehicle for expression in social media.

      The crises of the neoliberal and neo-developmental models are part of a multidimensional global crisis. This is leading to the rise of a new set of social conflicts, which are modifying daily life as well as the social bond itself. The outcomes of these crises are uncertain not least because of the frailty of institutions and their incapacity to provide social support. Hostility permeates inter-personal relations and cultures.

      What kind of new model could be implemented given the region’s now irreversible integration in the global economy? The answers to this question ultimately depend on the social conflicts and political arrangements in each country. But to understand both the region’s recent past and its future prospects, we have to consider other factors that are distinct from class interests and economic policies, which are only windows that open onto a much more complex reality.

      This is particularly the case with the political awakening of indigenous peoples, and the social-racist reaction of elites against these peoples’ coming to power through democratic elections, as in Ecuador and, more significantly, in Bolivia. The latter country enjoyed steady economic growth and modernization for over a decade, together with a substantial improvement in living conditions and reduction of poverty. Yet the charismatic leadership of Evo Morales – an indigenous, peasant trade unionist – and the election of indigenous people, particularly “cholas,” to key state positions were not tolerated by the white elite, especially in the pro-business province of Santa Cruz. This hostility ultimately led to a military coup that took advantage of the mistakes made by Morales, including his attempt to stay in power by bureaucratic maneuvers that may (or may not) have included electoral fraud. A similar socio-cultural conflict underlies the social explosion in Ecuador, where the rural indigenous populations have been suffering under the austerity policies imposed by the traditional oligarchy with the support of the armed forces and foreign powers. We should note as well the tensions surging in Chile among the Mapuche and among the Indian minorities in Mexico. Guatemala is constantly shaken by white elites’ violent attempts to subdue the marginalized 70 percent of the population of indigenous descent.

      Women were also powerful actors who sought to overthrow patriarchy and end violence against women, defending their rights over their own bodies and their personal freedom. The intensity of women’s mobilizations in Argentina, for instance, was a decisive factor in political change in that country, but it was also present in other countries, particularly in Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, and Mexico.

      While workers’ demands and unions were significant in the mobilizations, particularly in Argentina where Peronist trade unions are a major force, the new social movements brought together very different actors, including urban social movements, environmentalists, animal rights defenders, ethnic minorities, LGBT activists, human rights advocates, and artists. A common banner united these disparate actors: dignity.

      The new social movements in Latin America, like those emerging elsewhere, can only be understood in the context of a widespread crisis of legitimacy affecting social institutions, a crisis that we document and analyze in this book. Political parties, parliaments, governments, courts of justice, police forces, financial institutions, mainstream media outlets: all are distrusted by a large majority of citizens (83 percent in Latin America as a whole in 2019, according to the United Nations Development Program). Implicated in this collapse of moral authority is the Catholic Church, whose demise we study in this book. This demise has left an empty space in the lives of many in Latin America, depriving people of a place of psychological refuge that helped them to endure the harsh reality of existence. This space is now being filled by a myriad of unscrupulous Evangelical churches that generally are the main support for reactionary demands for “law and order” that can pave the way for authoritarian rule.


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