The COVID-19 Catastrophe. Richard Horton

The COVID-19 Catastrophe - Richard Horton


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Violation of the law would lead to punishment by death. The Bill caused political uproar. It threatened not only to curb precious freedoms but also to interfere with commerce. A group of Tories, led by Earl Cowper, a former lord chancellor, objected and sought to have the law struck down. Defoe’s Journal was intended to remind the public of the terrifying dangers they faced. In his view, the drastic actions that the Quarantine Act proposed were urgent and necessary – ‘a public good that justified the private mischief’. In the era of COVID-19, there has been a similar resistance from libertarians to more strenuous measures to control virus transmission. Tiered controls on indoor socialising, the mixing of households, hospitality, non-essential retail, travel, and the numbers of people who could attend weddings, funerals and church services provoked fury from politicians who argued that the state’s curbs on personal liberties were an affront not only to individual freedom but also to individual responsibility.

      There are, of course, differences between plague and COVID-19. There were no effective therapies to treat plague. Doctors in the seventeenth century were impotent in the face of a disease for which they didn’t even understand the cause. And the plague did eventually die out in December 1665, with the onset of a harsh winter. There is no expectation that our present-day coronavirus will recede into the background of our lives quite so gracefully. Mutated variants are giving the virus new life.

      Meanwhile, the virus continues to shock. A new variant of coronavirus – called the B.1.1.7 lineage – emerged in the UK towards the end of 2020. It is rapidly replacing other forms of the virus and is spreading well beyond Britain. Although the new variant of concern seems to be no more harmful – rates of hospitalisation and death have not, so far, increased – it is more transmissible. Scientists have estimated that the variant has a 50 to 75 per cent transmission advantage over the original ‘wild type’. The R0 of the Wuhan coronavirus was 2.5. The R0 of B.1.1.7 lies somewhere between 2.9 and 3.2, a substantial leap in transmissibility. Although the new variant may not directly increase the number of deaths, the higher incidence of infection because of its enhanced transmissibility will indirectly increase mortality. Of special concern is the pattern of mutations in the new variant. Multiple potentially important alterations in the virus genome affect that part of the spike (S) protein binding to receptors on human cells. If sufficient numbers of mutations change the S protein in meaningful ways, the virus may be able to escape vaccine protection and evade treatments using specific antibody cocktails of the kind given to President Trump. The emergence of B.1.1.7 will not be the last surprise of this pandemic.

      The purpose of this second edition is not only to update figures. I have revised each chapter to try to take account of new discoveries, perspectives and interpretations. I have added an introduction that aims to reframe our understanding of COVID-19 in ways that have important consequences for protecting our communities from future pandemics. I have tried to survey some of the most difficult controversies that have emerged and what those disputes tell us about our societies. And I have added an epilogue that tries to give a provisional judgement on what the pandemic means for our future. For COVID-19 is not only a new disease caused by a new virus. It is an inflection point in our understanding about ourselves and the planet we inhabit.

      COVID-19 is a pandemic of paradoxes.

      Most of those who became infected with this new coronavirus suffered only mild disease, perhaps not easily shaken off, yet shaken off nevertheless. But a substantial number – perhaps as many as one in five – developed a much more severe illness, often requiring intensive care and mechanical ventilation. For far too many, COVID-19 meant that death was their destiny.

      Being older and poorer and living with chronic disease were important risks for worse outcomes. Yet a significant proportion of those who endured severe illness were also young and previously fit and well.

      The scientific community made an astonishing contribution to producing the new knowledge needed to guide a response to COVID-19. But many questions about the virus and the disease it causes remain unanswered, leaving important gaps in our understanding of the pandemic that make its control, even with the availability of several safe and effective vaccines, exceptionally difficult.

      Countries pledged their support to international cooperation to defeat the pandemic. Yet those same countries were embarrassingly slow to match words with deeds, and too often they resorted to rivalry and blame.

      This was a pandemic that was described and reported in terms of statistics – numbers of infections, numbers of patients in critical care and numbers of deaths. Lives were transformed into mathematical summaries. Graphs of the epidemic were drawn. And countries were compared for their rates of mortality.

      But those who died cannot and should not be summarised. They must not become lines on squared paper. They must not become mere rates used to argue differences between nations. Every death counts. A person who died in Wuhan is as important as one who died in New York. Our way of describing the impact of the pandemic erased the biographies of the dead. The science and politics of COVID-19 became exercises in radical dehumanisation.

      At press conference after press conference, government ministers and their medical and scientific advisors described the deaths of their neighbours as ‘unfortunate’. But these were not unfortunate deaths. They were not unlucky, inappropriate or even regrettable. Every death was evidence of systematic government misconduct – reckless acts of omission that constituted breaches in the duties of public office.

      This book is


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