LUTHER (Vol. 1-6). Grisar Hartmann

LUTHER (Vol. 1-6) - Grisar Hartmann


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The Veiling of the Great Apostasy

       3. Luther’s Great Reformation-Works—Radicalism and Religion

       4. Luther’s Followers. Two Types of His Cultured Partisans: Willibald Pirkheimer and Albert Dürer

       CHAPTER XII. EXCOMMUNICATION AND OUTLAWRY SPIRITUAL BAPTISM IN THE WARTBURG

       1. The Trial. The Excommunication (1520) and its Consequences

       2. The Diet of Worms, 1521; Luther’s Attitude

       3. Legends

       4. Luther’s sojourn at the Wartburg

       5. Wartburg Legends

       CHAPTER XIII. THE RISE OF THE REFORMED CHURCHES

       1. Against the Fanatics. Congregational Churches?

       2. Against Celibacy. Doubtful Auxiliaries from the Clergy and the Convents

       3. Reaction of the Apostasy on its Author. His Private Life (1522–1525)

       4. Further Traits towards a Picture of Luther. Outward Appearance. Sufferings, Bodily and Mental

       CHAPTER XIV. FROM THE PEASANT WAR TO THE DIET OF AUGSBURG (1525–1530)

       1. Luther’s Marriage

       2. The Peasant-War. Polemics

       3. The Religion of the Enslaved Will. The Controversy between Luther and Erasmus (1524–1525)

       4. New Views on the Secular Authorities

       5. How the New Church System was Introduced

       6. Sharp Encounters with the Fanatics

       7. Progress of the Apostasy. Diets of Spires (1529) and Augsburg (1530)

       FOOTNOTES:

      CHAPTER XI

      THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE GREAT APOSTASY

       Table of Contents

       Table of Contents

      As his work progressed the instigator of the innovations received offers of support from various quarters where aims similar to his were cherished.

      In the first place there were many among the Humanists who greeted him with joy because they trusted that their ideals, as expressed in the “Epistolæ obscurorum virorum,” would really be furthered by means of Luther’s boldness and energy. They took his side because they looked upon him as a champion of intellectual liberty and thus as a promoter of noble, humane culture against the prevalent barbarism.

      Erasmus, Mutian, Crotus Rubeanus, Eobanus Hessus and others were numbered amongst his patrons, though, as in the case of the first three, some of them forsook him at a later date. Most of the Humanists who sought, in verse and prose, to arouse enthusiasm for Luther in Germany were as yet unaware that the spirit of the man whom they were thus extolling differed considerably from their own, and that Luther would later become one of the sternest opponents of their views concerning the rights of reason and “humanity” as against faith. Meanwhile, however, Luther not only did not scorn the proffered alliance, but, as his letters to Erasmus show, condescended to crave favour in language so humble and flattering that it goes far beyond the customary protestations usual among the Humanists. He also drew some very promising Humanists into close relation with himself, for instance, Philip Melanchthon and Justus Jonas, whom he won over to his cause at an early date. Crotus Rubeanus, the principal author of the “Epistolæ obscurorum virorum,” sought to renew his old acquaintance with his friend by letter in October, 1519. To him Luther appeared as the man of whose courage in opposing tyrants all the world was talking, and who was filled with the Spirit of the Lord. Crotus, at the instigation of Hutten, was anxious to bring about an understanding between Luther and the Knight Franz von Sickingen.[1]

      The nobility was another important factor on whose support Luther was later to rely.

      Ulrich von Hutten, the Franconian Knight and Humanist, a typical representative of the revolutionary knights of the day, speaks to the Monk of Wittenberg in the same devout terms as Crotus. The language, well padded with quotations from the Gospel, which he adopts to please Luther and the Reformers, makes a very strange impression coming from him, the libertine and cynic. His first dealings with Luther were in January, 1520, when, through the agency of Melanchthon, he promised him armed protection should he stand in need of such. The message was to the effect, that Franz von Sickingen, the knight, would, in any emergency,[2] offer him a secure refuge in his castle of Ebernburg. As a matter of fact Sickingen, in 1520, made over this castle—called the “Hostel of Justice”—to Hutten, Bucer and Œcolampadius as a place of safety. Representatives of the nobility who had fallen foul of the Empire there made common cause with the theologians of the new teaching.

      As yet, however, Luther felt himself sufficiently secure under his own sovereign at Wittenberg. He maintained an attitude of reserve towards a party which might have compromised him, and delayed giving his answer. The revolutionary spirit which inspired the nobility throughout the Empire, so far as we can judge from the sources at our disposal, was not approved of by Luther save in so far as the efforts of these unscrupulous men of the sword were directed against the power of Rome in Germany, and against the payments to the Holy See. His own appeals to the national feeling of the Germans against the “Italian Oppression,” as he styled it, were in striking agreement with the warlike proclamations of the Knights against the enslaving and exploitation of Germany.

      Thus sympathy, as well as a certain community of interests, made the Knights heralds of the new Evangel.

      In February, 1520, Hutten, through the intermediary of Melanchthon, again called the attention of Luther, “God’s Champion,” to the refuge offered him by


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