How the Nations Waged War. J. M. Kennedy
little information regarding the strengthening of the German army, assuredly we had been receiving less for years previously regarding the construction of strategic railways on the German border where it meets Belgium and Luxemburg. An examination of a detailed map of this district will show the most careless observer that the strong German fortresses and garrison towns of Cologne, Coblenz, and Germersheim, are connected with the western frontiers by railway lines the only possible use of which must have been the transportation of troops and munitions of war. There is certainly no trade in western Germany demanding such a large number of tracks running east and west; and it was only by means of these railways that Germany was able to throw a million men across the frontier in less than forty-eight hours after war broke out. The pacific intentions of France may be judged from the fact that the lines on the French side of the frontier run for the most part north and south.
One or two such items may pass. But when we consider them seriatim, we are bound to admit that Germany has shown consistent provocation for more than a decade. We may leave out of account, perhaps, the Kruger telegram and the German desire to assist Spain against the United States in 1898, not to mention the attitude of Germany at the time of the Boer war. There remains an entire series of provocations; the preamble to the first German Navy Act (1900), in which England as the enemy is all but mentioned by name; the visit of the Kaiser to Tangier; the bullying indulged in by the German representatives at the Algeciras Conference; the trouble almost forced on France over the Morocco question in 1907; the determined attitude taken up by the Kaiser against all Europe at the time of the Turkish revolution and the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina by Austria, in 1908–9; the stringent terms of the Potsdam Agreement with Russia in 1910; the sending of the Panther to Agadir in 1911; the intractable attitude of the Wilhelmstrasse over the settlement of the Balkan question in 1912–13. With some effort, perhaps, any one of these incidents—and these are only a few of the more important—might be explained away with a veneer of plausibility; but, taken together, they are overwhelming in their proof that the German Empire has been a hotbed of unrest in Europe, not merely for the last two or three years, but for the last twenty. Where Germany led Austria followed; and numerous were the threats and imprecations levelled at Italy through the pliable medium of the semi-official Press because Rome did not always see eye to eye with Berlin and Vienna.
The remaining telegrams and other documents quoted by the Manchester Guardian need not detain us long. From the dispatches of the German Ambassador at St. Petersburg to his Government at Berlin, it is clear that the Russian Foreign Minister, M. Sazonoff, laid the entire blame at the door of Austria. No impartial statesman, as we can see from our own White Paper, attempted to justify an ultimatum that demanded a reply within forty-eight hours. The following messages, however, are worth noting, and they help to complete our own official documents:
From the German Ambassador in St. Petersburg to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs at Berlin.
July 27th.
The military attaché reports conversation with War Minister:
Sazonoff has asked the latter to explain the situation to me. The Minister of War gave me his word of honour that no mobilisation order had as yet been given. Certain preparatory measures had been taken; that was all: no reservists had been called up, no horses commandeered. If Austria crossed the Servian frontier mobilisation would take place in the military districts touching upon Austria: Kieff, Odessa, Moscow, Kazan. Under no circumstances in those on the German front, Warsaw, Vilna, St. Petersburg. Peace with Germany was earnestly desired. On my inquiry as to the purpose of mobilisation against Austria he shrugged his shoulders and referred to diplomacy. I said to the Minister that we did justice to their friendly intentions towards us, but that even mobilisation directed solely against Austria would be regarded as highly threatening.
On July 28th—by which date Germany must have nearly completed her arrangements for invading France through Belgium—we find the Foreign Minister informing the Ambassador in London, Prince Lichnowsky, that Germany is ready to co-operate with the other Powers in mediating between Austria and Russia; and on July 29th France is warned that Germany may be compelled to declare martial law. On July 31st the ultimatum was sent to St. Petersburg and a similar warning to Paris.
The following message was sent to St. Petersburg on August 1st:
In case the Russian Government should not give a satisfactory answer to our demand, your Excellency will at five o'clock this afternoon (Central European time) hand it the following declaration, in French: "Since the beginning of the crisis the Imperial Government has endeavoured to bring about a peaceful solution. In conformity with the wish expressed to him by his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, his Majesty the Emperor of Germany, in agreement with England, was endeavouring to act as mediator between the Cabinets of Vienna and St. Petersburg, when Russia, without waiting for the results of his efforts, proceeded to mobilise the whole of its land and sea forces.
"As the result of this threatening step, for which no motive was afforded by any miltary preparation on Germany's part, the German Empire found itself face to face with a serious and imminent danger. If the Imperial Government had failed to parry this danger it would have compromised the security and even the existence of Germany. Consequently the German Government found itself compelled to address the Government of his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, and to insist on the cessation of the said military acts. Russia having refused the satisfaction of this demand, and having shown by this refusal that its action was directed against Germany, I have the honour to inform your Excellency, by my Government's command, as follows:
"His Majesty the Emperor, my august Sovereign, raises the gage in the Empire's name and regards himself as in a state of war with Russia. (Sa Majesté l'Empereur, mon auguste Souverain, au nom de l'Empire, relève le défi et se considère en état de guerre avec la Russie.)
"Please demand your papers and protection and put your affairs under the protection of the American Embassy."
Among the numerous indications of loyalty which reached Great Britain from her oversea dominions and colonies, those from India were not the least striking and demonstrative. As many of the Indian princes offered not merely money, but also men, it was decided that representative contingents of Indian soldiers should take their places on the battlefield side by side with their fellow-subjects from these Islands and the Dominions. The announcement was made in the House of Lords on August 28th by Earl Kitchener in the following words:
"In addition to reinforcements that will shortly proceed from this country, the Government have decided that our Army in France shall be increased by two divisions and a cavalry division, besides other troops from India.
"The first division of those troops is now on its way. I may add that all wastage in the Army in France has been immediately filled up, and there are some 12,000 men waiting for that purpose on the lines of communication."
To Lord Kitchener's brief announcement the Secretary for India added an explanation which the public welcomed with feelings of gratification.
"It has been deeply impressed upon us," he said, "from what we have heard from India, that the wonderful wave of enthusiasm and loyalty which is now passing over that country is, to a great extent, based upon the desire of the Indian people that Indian soldiers should stand side by side with their comrades of the British Army in repelling the invasion of our friends' territories and the attacks made upon them."
Hardly less enthusiasm had been aroused on the previous day, August 27th, when Mr. Asquith moved:
"That an Address be presented to his Majesty praying him to convey to his Majesty the King of the Belgians the sympathy and admiration with which this House regards the heroic resistance offered by his army and people to the wanton invasion of his territory, and an assurance of the determination of this country to support in every way the efforts of Belgium to vindicate her own independence and the public law of Europe."
In supporting his motion the Prime Minister delivered an eloquent and moving speech, in the course of which he said:
"Very few words are needed to commend to the House the Address the terms of which will shortly be read from the Chair. The war which is now shaking to its foundations the whole European system originated in a