Terra Incognita. Alain Corbin

Terra Incognita - Alain Corbin


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Henri Brémond, Histoire littéraire du sentiment religieux en France [1916–1932]. Paris: Armand Colin, 1969. We will return to natural theology throughout the present book.

      7 7. Translator’s note: the word ‘catastrophe’ had been used in the modern sense in English since the 1530s.

      8 8. The following pages draw on two books crucial to our understanding of the disaster: Grégory Quenet, Les Tremblements de terre aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: La naissance d’un risque. Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2005; and Anne-Marie Mercier-Faivre and Chantal Thomas (eds.), L’Invention de la catastrophe au XVIIIe siècle: Du châtiment divin au désastre naturel. Geneva: Droz, 2008.

      9 9. Mercier-Faivre and Thomas, L’Invention de la catastrophe au XVIIIe siècle, p. 8.

      10 10. Quenet, Les Tremblements de terre aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, p. 358.

      11 11. On how information about the disaster spread, see Anna Saada, ‘Le désir d’informer: le tremblement de terre de Lisbonne’, in Mercier-Faivre and Thomas, L’Invention de la catastrophe au XVIIIe siècle, pp. 209–30.

      12 12. Quenet, Les Tremblements de terre aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, p. 367.

      13 13. Muriel Brot, ‘La vision matérialiste de Diderot’, in Mercier-Faivre and Thomas, L’Invention de la catastrophe au XVIIIe siècle, pp. 75–91.

      14 14. Quenet, Les Tremblements de terre aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, p. 348.

      Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet’s writings are significant in this context. His 1681 Discours sur l’histoire universelle [Discourse on Universal History], written to educate the French Dauphin, calculates the earth’s past based on events recounted in Genesis.2 It seamlessly connects the early stages of the earth to the birth of history as it was then known, thereby establishing the planet’s chronology as Bossuet saw it – from the origins of the earth itself, which he believed he could date, to a straightforward reading of the events recorded in Genesis.

      Bossuet noted the date of each event in the margins of his book, from the Creation to Charlemagne’s reign. The presence of well-known dates, for instance from the history of the Roman empire, lends an air of legitimacy to the dates of origin that Bossuet makes up with little explanation.

      His methodology is interesting: as Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon, was later to do, he divided history up into eras. I will focus on the first of these. It began with the ‘grand spectacle’ of Creation, which Bossuet’s marginal note dates to ‘world year 1’, or 4004 BC. This meant he dated the Creation to 5,682 years before the Discours sur l’histoire universelle. His second date was when earth began to be populated after the Fall of Man, in the year 129 after the Creation. Adam and Eve were in the Garden of Eden for no more than a century or so.

      One particularly challenging passage in La Bruyère’s 1692 work Les Caractères [Characters], which I have not found quoted in books on dating the origin of the earth in the seventeenth century, is worth looking at here. La Bruyère, eager to demonstrate the existence of God to free thinkers, writes that God’s existence cannot be questioned, even if the date of the Creation were to be pushed back ‘Many million years, nay many thousand millions of years’ (which he tacitly suggests would be ridiculous). In a word, he continues, ‘all Time, is but an instant, compared with the duration of God, who is Eternal: The Extent of the whole Universe is but a Point, an Atom, compared with his Immensity […] what [is] the Extent of that Grain of Sand, which is call’d the Earth?’4 This demonstrates that at the tail end of the seventeenth century, it was indeed thinkable to picture the earth as billions of years old, as early-twenty-first-century research indicates is the case, even if the idea was then dismissed as absurd.

      Buffon worked on experiments to date the stages of earth’s cooling process, which he saw as eras in its history. Arguing that the planet is made up of matter similar to glass, he believed that it would eventually cool to the point of dying, predicting global extinction by cooling rather than the Apocalypse of the New Testament. By his calculations, the earth would become too cold to inhabit in 93,000 years, when humans, flora and fauna, and the earth itself would freeze to death.

      According to Buffon, the history of the earth was divided into seven periods. In the first, earth, like the other planets, was a molten mass that took on an ellipsoid shape. It had been known that the earth was flatter at the poles, shaped like a pumpkin rather than an orange, since La Condamine’s expedition to Peru in 1735 and Maupertuis’s expedition to Lapland in 1736–7.7 In the second era, Buffon argued, the earth solidified to the core, becoming a great mass of glass-like material that formed the basis of the primitive, non-fossiliferous mountains. He calculated it took 2,905 years for the earth to solidify all the way through and a further 33,911 years for it to become hard enough to touch.


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