Don Francisco de Quevedo: Drama en Cuatro Actos. Eulogio Florentino Sanz
was nothing to save. Then, either because he failed to see the source of the evil or because he lacked the constructive ability to attack it, he went to the extreme of lavish expenditure. As the situation grew more and more hopeless he temporized, striving to hide the internal decay beneath a gilded exterior of ostentatious wealth. As he plunged deeper his critics grew bolder, and to silence them his rule became more barbarously arbitrary.
Moreover, he found himself face to face with the great Richelieu at the head of a rich and well-administered France. Under him France was to become organized and to extend her dominions to her natural physical boundaries—at the expense of Spain. Olivares ruled Spain from 1621 until 1643, Richelieu ruled France from 1622 until 1642; it was a life-long duel between the two ministers. Richelieu laid the foundation for the greatness of Louis XIV, while Olivares made inevitable the abject impotence of Spain under Charles II.
The culminating disasters began to arrive in 1640 with the rebellion of Catalonia. The determination of the Catalans in 1626 to grant Philip no more arbitrary taxes marks the beginning of the revolt that ended with the entire loss of Catalonia. Olivares could never forget its opposition to his will. While the Catalans in 1639 were bravely resisting the entrance of French troops into Roussillon, Santa Coloma, the viceroy of Olivares, made even more severe his policy of sternness and repression. The Catalans were to be driven against the French and to be made to understand by the application of brute force that the welfare of their particular province was of small importance beside the prosperity of the kingdom in general. The Spanish soldiers quartered upon them behaved with such lawlessness that in May of 1640 the population of Barcelona broke into open rebellion. Santa Coloma was cut down in his attempt to escape the consequences of his lack of diplomacy and tact. From Barcelona the revolt soon spread through the entire province. It has been said that the gentle measures of repression inaugurated by the new viceroy, the Duke of Cardona, particularly displeased Olivares, who saw at last what he believed to be his opportunity utterly to crush Catalan liberty. The answer of the Catalans was to throw themselves into the hands of the French and Richelieu, by seeking foreign aid against Castile.
In September 1640 an army under the Marqués de los Vélez was sent north to straighten out the tangled affairs of Catalonia. At first he was successful, but in January 1641 he was beaten back from Barcelona itself after a bloody defeat at the hands of the local soldiery.
To make sure of French aid the rebels offered their allegiance to Louis XIII of France, and the revolt was kept alive with French money and soldiers, while Philip's armies were invariably defeated.
To complete our picture of the political situation we must turn for a moment to Portugal. There reluctant allegiance to the Spanish crown had already been severely strained during the previous reign by the high-handed procedure of Lerma, the favorite of Philip III. Portuguese administrative offices had been filled in Madrid, and the country was inconsiderately taxed to maintain Castilian sovereignty. Under Philip IV the regent of the kingdom was Doña Margarita, Duchess of Mantua and granddaughter of Philip II.[8] While she was ostensibly in control of the difficult Portuguese situation, the real ruler was Don Miguel Vasconcellos, a Portuguese of scant ability and bloodthirsty instincts; he was kept in command by Olivares dictating from Madrid. The announcement of Vasconcellos to the nation that it was the intention of Olivares to remove the last vestige of constitutional rule in Portugal by the suppression of the Portuguese Cortes drove the patriots to rally about the Duke of Braganza. A well-planned conspiracy was set on foot to place Braganza on the throne of Portugal and thus to rid the country forever of the hated Castilian sovereignty.
After the failure of all his attempts to bring Braganza to Madrid, Olivares tried desperately to win his favor by apparently putting the fate of Portugal entirely in his hands. It was a fatal course. Olivares sent him large sums of money to raise troops to keep the Portuguese situation in control and help in the repression of the Catalans; then he put Braganza at the head of them.
In November of 1640 Braganza proclaimed himself king. The regent Margaret was imprisoned. Vasconcellos was killed by the mob.
The news was received in Madrid with the deepest dismay. Pellicer[9] wrote: "These announcements should be written with blood, and deserve to be wept over rather than written, for they contain nothing less than the rebellion of Portugal and the coronation of Don Juan, whom they call Juan IV, the Duke of Braganza." It is commonly stated that Olivares announced the news of the rebellion to Philip by congratulating him upon the opportunity thus offered to seize the property of Braganza.
To add to the troubles in Portugal and Catalonia just described, a plot by the Duke of Medina Sidonia to make himself independent sovereign of Andalusia was discovered only just in time to prevent a serious rising.
The advisability of Philip's putting himself in person at the head of the troops in the north had long been the subject of earnest and bitter discussion between Olivares and his enemies. The latter had urged upon Philip the necessity of seeing with his own eyes the pass to which matters had been brought by the ineptitude and recklessness of his minister. This could best be accomplished by a visit of inspection to the revolted provinces. Moreover, with Philip and Olivares away from the capital the queen and those of the nobility who were working for the downfall of Olivares could proceed with a freer hand.
When once the royal party had left, Doña Isabel set about her task with true nobility and great energy. She was almost heroic in her efforts to encourage and inspire with loyalty to the crown the troops garrisoned in Madrid. She even sold her jewels to raise money for the campaign in Aragon.
Philip, meanwhile, was traveling slowly northward with great pomp and ceremony. Olivares was straining every nerve to prevent the king's realizing the desperateness of the situation. The monarch was denied to all visitors, and his attention was distracted by elaborate hunting expeditions. As he progressed toward Aragon, the French, moving southward, occupied Monzón.
December of 1642 found Philip again in Madrid. Portugal was hopelessly lost, Roussillon was in the hands of the French, while Catalonia and Aragon were in open revolt. Briefly sketched, this was the political situation at the opening of our play.
While Spain was at this time economically bankrupt, the reigns of Philip III and Philip IV comprise nevertheless the most brilliant decades of the Golden Century. These are the years that are marked by the greatest literary activity of Lope de Vega, Cervantes, and Quevedo. Lope had made the theater national and had prepared the way for the romantic genius of Calderón, while a throng of lesser lights, such as Tirso de Molina and Juan Ruiz de Alarcón, were delighting the capital with plays in great profusion. For all this a great stimulus had come from the theater-loving Philip III, who lavished money without stint upon the gorgeous production of comedies, pageants, and masques.
Cervantes had shown the way to the novelists. In prose fiction true characterization had developed to keep pace with extensive and elaborate narrative elements. At the same time the outburst of lyric poetry was no less striking. The ability to write verse had become truly a necessary qualification for social success and even for political advancement. Great magnates surrounded themselves with a retinue of poets and men of letters who depended upon them for their support.
Don Francisco de Quevedo y Villegas, the central figure of our play, was one of the greatest personalities in this brilliant court. He was born in 1580. At barely twenty he left the University of Alcalá and plunged immediately into the life of the magnificently corrupt court of Philip III at Valladolid. When the capital was moved to Madrid in 1606 he had already won fame as a poet. The manuscripts of his satirical writings in prose and verse were eagerly sought and widely read. His thrusts were aimed at the ridiculous aspects of court life. His own indulgence in a career of thorough dissipation filled him with contempt for his wretched companions. Intimate association with men in high positions reached by either noble birth or corrupt influence made him familiar with the vices of Philip's government and with the ineffectiveness of the Spanish bureaucratic administration. In his "Sueños" (Visions) he satirized unsparingly men from all the walks of life. His attacks were at times mocking jeers at human weaknesses and at others outbursts of desperate fury against current injustice and stupidity.
After a short period of retirement from the capital he became the firm friend of Don Pedro Téllez Girón, Duke of Osuna,