The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire. Glover Terrot Reaveley

The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire - Glover Terrot Reaveley


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to truth, which is little intelligible to men who have not the same passion.[321] Still the appeal to the poets in this connexion was very commonly made.

      But men are not only dependent on the tradition of their fathers and the inspiration of poets and philosophers, much as they should, and do, love and honour these. The gods make themselves felt in many ways. There was abundant evidence of this in many established cases of theolepsy, enthusiasm (éntheos) and possession. Again there were the oracles, in which it was clear that gods communicated with men and revealed truths not otherwise to be gained – a clear demonstration of the spiritual. Men were "in anguish and fear lest Delphi should lose its glory of three thousand years," but Delphi has not failed; for "the language of the Pythian priestess, like the right line of the Mathematicians – the shortest between two points, makes neither declension nor winding, has neither double meaning nor ambiguity, but goes straight to the truth. Though hard to believe and much tested, she has never up to now been convicted of error, – on the contrary she has filled the shrine with offerings and gifts from barbarians and Greeks, and adorned it with the beautiful buildings of the Amphictyons."[322] The revival of Delphi in Plutarch's day, "in so short a time," was not man's doing – but "the God came here and inspired the oracle with his divinity." And Delphi was not the only oracle. The Stoics perhaps had pointed the way here with their teaching on divination, but as it stands the argument (such as it is) is said to be Plutarch's own.[323] Lastly in this connexion, the mysteries offered evidence, but here he is reticent. "As to the mysteries, in which we may receive the greatest manifestations and illuminations of the truth concerning dæmons – like Herodotus, I say, 'Be it unspoken.'"[324]

      Absolute being

      Philosophy, poetry, tradition, oracles and mysteries[325] bring Plutarch to belief in gods. "There are not Greek gods and barbarian, southern or northern; but just as sun, moon, sky, earth and sea are common to all men and have many names, so likewise it is one Reason that makes all these things a cosmos; it is one Providence that cares for them, with ancillary powers appointed to all things; while in different people, different honours and names are given to them as customs vary. Some use hallowed symbols that are faint, others symbols more clear, as they guide their thought to the divine."[326] This one ultimate Reason is described by Plutarch in terms borrowed from all the great teachers who had spoken to the Greeks of God. The Demiurge, the One and Absolute, the World-Soul and the rest all contribute features.[327]

      "We," he says, "have really no share in Being, but every mortal nature, set between becoming and perishing, offers but a show and a seeming of itself, dim and insecure"; and he quotes the famous saying of Heraclitus that it is impossible to descend into the same river twice, and develops the idea of change in the individual. "No one remains, nor is he one, but we become many as matter now gathers and now slips away about one phantasm and a common form (or impress)… Sense through ignorance of Being is deceived into thinking that the appearance is. What then indeed is Being? The eternal, free from becoming, free from perishing, for which no time brings change… It is even impious to say 'Was' or 'Will be' of Being; for these are the varyings and passings and changings of that which by nature cannot abide in Being. But God is, we must say, and that not in time, but in the æon that knows no motion, time or variation, where is neither former nor latter, future nor past, older nor younger; but God is one, and with one Now he has filled Always, and is alone therein the one that Is."[328]

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      1

      Cic. ad fam. x, 16, 2, Ipse tibi sis senatus.

      2

      Georgic i, 505-514 (Conington's translation, with alterations).

      3

      Polybius, vi, 56, Shuckburgh's Translation.

      4

      Polybius, xviii, 35.

      5

      Sextus Empiricus, Adv. mathematicos, ix, 54.

      6

      Cicero, N.D. i, 42, 118.

      7

      Diodorus Siculus, i, 2.

      8

      Quoted by Augustine, C.D. iv, 27; vi, 5; also referred to by Tertullian, ad Natt. ii, 1.

      9

      Suetonius, Augustus, 31, 75, 93; Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 344.

1

Cic. ad fam. x, 16, 2, Ipse tibi sis senatus.

2

Georgic i, 505-514 (Conington's translation, with alterations).

3

Polybius, vi, 56, Shuckburgh's Translation.

4

Polybius, xviii, 35.

5

Sextus Empiricus, Adv. mathematicos, ix, 54.

6

Cicero, N.D. i, 42, 118.

7

Diodorus Siculus, i, 2.

8

Quoted by Augustine, C.D. iv, 27; vi, 5; also referred to by Tertullian, ad Natt. ii, 1.

9

Suetonius, Augustus, 31, 75, 93; Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 344.

10

Suet. Aug. 90, 92.

11

Horace, Odes, iii, 24, 9-20, Gladstone's version.

12

Horace, Odes, iii, 6, Delicta maiorum.

13

De Haruspicum Responsis, 9, 19; N.D. ii, 3, 8.

14

E.g. Apol. 25, with a serious criticism of the contrast between Roman character before and after the conquest of the world, – before and after the invasion of Rome by the images and idols of Etruscans and Greeks.

15

Augustine C.D. vi, 2.

16

On Æneid, xi, 785.

17

Propertius, v, 1, 69.

18

Ovid,


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<p>321</p>

Quomodo Poetas, 1, 15 E, F, poetry a preliminary study to philosophy, prophilosophêtéon toîs poiémasin.

<p>322</p>

de Pyth. orac. 29, 408 F. Cf. the pagan's speech in Minucius Felix, 7, 6, pleni et mixti deo vates futura præcerpunt … etiam per guietem deos videmus

<p>323</p>

So Volkmann, Plutarch, ii, 290 n. Cf. a passage of Celsus, Orig. c. Cels. viii, 45.

<p>324</p>

de def. or. 14, 417 C, empháseis and diapháseis.

<p>325</p>

Tertullian sums up the pagan line of argument and adds a telling criticism in his book adversus Nationes, ii, 1: adversus hæc igitur nobis negotium est, adversus institutiones maiorum, auctoritates receptorum, leges dominantium, argumentationes prudentium, adversus vetustatem consuetudinem necessitatem, adversus exempla prodigia miracula, quæ omnia adulterinam istam divinitatem corroboraverint… Maior in huiusmodi penes vos auctoritas litterarum quam rerum est.

<p>326</p>

de Iside, 67, 377 F-378 A

<p>327</p>

Oakesmith, Religion of Plutarch, p. 88 – a book which I have found of great use.

<p>328</p>

de E. 18-20. Cf. Clem. Alex. Protr. 84. The true To-day of God is eternity. Also Tert. ad Natt. ii, 6, on the axiom of no change in God.