The Law of Higher Education. William A. Kaplin
have been eliminated or downsized. Sexual harassment concerns have grown to include student peer harassment and harassment based on sexual orientation, as well as date rape and sexual assault. Hazing, alcohol use, and behavioral problems, implicating fraternities and men's athletic teams especially, continue as major issues.
The development of more relationships between research universities and private industry has led to more legal issues concerning technology transfer. Heightened sensitivities to alleged sexual harassment and political bias in academia have prompted disputes between faculty and students over academic freedom, manifested especially in student complaints about faculty members' classroom comments and course assignments. Recent disagreement in this area has included debates over the use of “trigger” warnings before the presentation of sensitive course materials. Increased attention to student learning disabilities and to psychological and emotional conditions that may interfere with learning has led to new types of disability discrimination claims and issues concerning the modification of academic standards or other accommodations. For instance, students have sued for the right to have emotional support animals in campus housing. Renewed attention to affirmative action policies for admissions and financial aid has resulted in lawsuits, state legislation, and state referenda and initiative drives among voters. Disputes persist on campus concerning the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, questioning, or queer (LGBTQ) individuals and student religious organizations that exclude these students from membership or leadership. Some advocates have contended that colleges and universities regularly discriminate against students and faculty who are politically and socially conservative. Controversy and legal conflict have also arisen over whether institutions should provide access to campus for speakers espousing views considered harmful or hateful to constituencies on campus and beyond.
As the number and variety of disputes have increased, the use of administrative agencies as alternative forums for airing disputes has grown alongside litigation in court. In some circumstances, especially at the federal level, the courts (and particularly the U.S. Supreme Court) have imposed various technical limitations on access to courts, redirecting complainants to administrative agencies as an alternative. Administrative agency regulations at federal, state, and local levels may now routinely be enforced through agency compliance proceedings and private complaints filed with administrative agencies. Thus, postsecondary institutions may find themselves before the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission or an analogous state agency; the National Labor Relations Board or a state's public employee relations board; the administrative law judges of the U.S. Department of Education or that Department's Office for Civil Rights (OCR); contract dispute boards of federal and state contracting agencies; state workers' compensation and unemployment insurance boards; state licensing boards; state civil service commissions; the boards or officers of federal, state, and local taxing authorities; local zoning boards; or mediators or arbitrators of various agencies at all levels of government.
Paralleling these administrative developments has been an increase in the internal forums created by postsecondary institutions for their own use in resolving disputes. Faculty and staff grievance committees, processes for appealing denials of promotion or tenure, student judiciaries, honor boards, and grade appeals panels are common examples. In recent years, mediation has assumed a major role in some of these processes. In an effort to address concerns over the handling of student sexual misconduct allegations, some institutions have altered their procedures, such as adopting a single investigator model in a place of a hearing panel. In addition to such internal forums, private organizations and associations involved in postsecondary governance have given increased attention to their own dispute resolution mechanisms. Thus, besides appearing before courts and administrative agencies, postsecondary institutions may become involved in grievance procedures of faculty and staff unions, hearings of accrediting agencies on the accreditation status of institutional programs, probation hearings of athletic conferences, and censure proceedings of the American Association of University Professors.
Of course, some counter-trends have emerged over time that have served to ameliorate the more negative aspects of the greater role of law and litigiousness in academia. The alternative dispute resolution (ADR) movement in society generally has led to the use of mediation and other constructive mechanisms for the internal resolution of campus disputes, such as restorative justice programs (see Section 2.3 of this book). Colleges and universities have increased their commitments to and capabilities for risk management and preventive legal planning. On a broader scale, not only institutions but also their officers have increasingly banded together in associations to maximize their influence on the development of legislation and agency regulations affecting postsecondary education. These associations also facilitate the sharing of strategies and resources for managing campus affairs in ways that minimize legal problems. Government agencies have developed processes for “notice” and “comment” prior to implementing regulations, for negotiated rule making, and for mediation of disputes. The trial courts have developed processes for pretrial mediation, and the appellate courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court, have developed a concept of “judicial deference” or “academic deference” that is used by both trial and appellate courts to limit judicial intrusion into the genuinely academic decisions of postsecondary institutions.
Administrators, counsel, public policy makers, and scholars have all reflected on the role of law on campus. While the influence of law is frequently criticized, this criticism is becoming more perceptive and more balanced. It is still often asserted that the law reaches too far and speaks too loudly. Especially because of the courts' and federal government's involvement, it is said that legal proceedings and compliance with legal requirements are too costly, not only in monetary terms but also in terms of the talents and energies expended; that they divert higher education from its primary mission of teaching and scholarship; and that they erode the integrity of campus decision making by bending it to real or perceived legal technicalities that are not always in the academic community's best interests. It is increasingly recognized, however, that such criticisms—although highlighting pressing issues for higher education's future—do not acknowledge all sides of these issues. We cannot evaluate the role of law on campus by looking only at dollars expended, hours of time logged, pages of compliance reports completed, or numbers of legal proceedings participated in. We must also consider a number of less-quantifiable questions: Are legal claims made against institutions, faculty, or staff usually frivolous or unimportant, or are they sometimes justified? Are institutions providing effective mechanisms for dealing with claims and complaints internally, thus helping themselves avoid any negative effects of outside legal proceedings? Are the courts and counsel for colleges and universities doing an adequate job of sorting out frivolous from justifiable claims and of developing means for summary disposition of frivolous claims and settlement of justifiable ones? Have administrators and counsel ensured that their legal houses are in order by engaging in effective preventive planning? Are courts being sensitive to the mission of higher education when they apply legal rules to campuses and when they devise remedies in suits lost by institutions? Do government regulations for higher education implement worthy policy goals, and are they adequately sensitive to the mission of higher education and to the level of governmental financial support that is provided to achieve desired aims? In situations where the message of the law has appeared to conflict with the best interests of academia, how has academia responded? Has the inclination been to kill the messenger or to develop more positive remedies—to hide behind rhetoric or to forthrightly document and defend the interests of higher education?
We still do not know all we should about these questions. But we know that they are clearly a critical counterpoint to questions about money, time, and energy expended. We must have insight into both sets of questions before we can fully judge law's impact on the campus—before we can know, in particular situations, whether law is more a beacon or a blanket of ground fog.
Section 1.2. Evolution of Higher Education Law
Throughout the nineteenth and much of the twentieth centuries, the law's relationship to higher education was very different from what it is now. There were few legal requirements relating to the educational administrator's functions, and these requirements were not a major factor