Atlanta And Its Builders, Vol. 2 - A Comprehensive History Of The Gate City Of The South. Thomas H. Martin
of the commonwealth's inherent powers. Robert Toombs, who had returned from his exile in Europe, boldly asserted that he was prepared to judicially establish the right of secession. He said Sherman's reconstruction act was the last straw to break the South's overburdened back. Herschel V. Johnson published an open letter in which he advised the people of Georgia to register quietly, but by no means to accept the terms proposed by the Federal power. His advice was "never to embrace their despotism," and he expressed the belief that the calmer reason of the people of the North and West would assert itself in time to prevent the overthrow of constitutional liberty. But the most active of the nonconformists was Benjamin H. Hill. He entered into the fight for a people's rights with all the impassioned zeal of his nature. He was especially bitter in his attacks on the passive, neutral or. toadyish element among Southerners, and severely criticized the course of ex-Governor Joseph E. Brown in lending his support to the reconstruction policy. Mr. Hill made several speeches in Atlanta, all of which were replete with glowing outbursts of eloquence, wit, irony, biting sarcasm, and above all, stern denunciation and argument. The masses were with Mr. Hill, and his influence was tremendous. His agitation did much to make the reconstruction policy farcical, so far as the majority of the citizens were concerned, and he was undoubtedly an element of disturbance to the carpet-bag regime. General Pope was so much disturbed by the powerful opposition of Hill, and his anti-reconstruction compeers, that he wrote a letter explaining the necessity and purposes of the Sherman law. The following extracts are taken from one of Mr. Hill's Atlanta speeches, delivered at Davis Hall during the summer of 1867:
"Human governments, like everything else human, naturally tend to decay. They can only be preserved by constant watchfulness, courage and adherence to correct principles. There is no difficulty whatever in discovering when and how a nation is dying. The great symptom of decay of government is a disregard of the fundamental law of said government. Whenever a people come to treat lightly the fundamental law of their own government, they have arrived at the most dangerous point that is possible, short of entire destruction. Republics, above all forms of government, are maintained by respect for law. If the people of the United States fail to have a sacred regard for their own law — which is not like that of other nations, to be ascertained by argument, by decisions or by searching, but it is a plain written constitution — they will deserve the awful fate that awaits them, and he who disregards its plain language has no excuse to shield himself from the infamies of a traitor.
"I charge before heaven and the American people this day, that every evil by which we have been afflicted is attributable directly to the violation of the constitution. Tinkers may work, quacks may prescribe, and demagogues may deceive, but I declare to you there is no remedy for us, and no hope to escape the threatened evils but in adherence to the constitution.
"A difference of opinion as to the right of a State to secede from the Union, brought on the war, which resulted in the success of the North; but now a new issue is upon us. It is not a difference of opinion as to what the constitution means, but its object is to set aside the constitution and to substitute something else. That tottering, gray-haired candidate of Pennsylvania, for perpetual infamy, who is building for himself a monument of malignity that will overtop the pyramids of Egypt, said the constitution had nothing to do with it. A great many of our own people say the constitution is dead. Now I affirm that these military acts are not only contrary to the constitution, but directly in the face of the amnesty oath which you were required to take after the surrender
"Some of you who favor the acceptance of the military bills, take an oath to this effect, and still intend to vote for a convention which you admit to be contrary to the constitution. How is this? If you have a conscience, I have said enough. If you vote for the convention you are perjured. Oh, I pity the race of the colored people, who have never been taught what an oath is, nor what the constitution means. They are drawn up by a selfish conclave of traitors to inflict a death blow on the life of the republic by swearing them to a falsehood. They are to begin their political life by perjury to accomplish treason. I would not visit the penalty upon them. They are neither legally nor morally responsible, but it is you — educated designing white men — who thus devote yourselves to the unholy work, who are the guilty parties. You prate about your loyalty. I look you in the eye and denounce you. You are, legally and morally perjured traitors. You perjure yourselves and perjure the poor negro to help your treason. You can't escape it. You may boast of it now while passion is rife. But the time will come when every thought will wither your soul, and make you hide from the face of mankind. I shall discharge the obligation of the amnesty oath. It required me to support the constitution and the emancipation of the negro, and I do. I will not bind my soul to a new slavery — to hell, by violating it. I talk plainly, but I simply want to strike the incrustation of hardened consciences and make men feel and realize their true situation. By all you hold dear. I warn you, that by accepting the military bills, you inaugurate a measure that will exterminate the African race. Some of you who have come among us have taken the negro by the arm. telling him that you are his friend, and that you gave him his liberty. Ye hypocrites! Ye whited sepulchers! You mean in your heart to deceive, and to buy up the negro vote for your own benefit. The negroes know no better. But I would ask them, 'If these men are faithless to the constitution of the country, how can they be faithful to you?" They are not fit to be trusted by any animal, dog or man. They are not capable of being the friends of anybody but themselves. I don't pity the whites so much, who are to suffer by these measures. You knew what your duty was. and you did it not. and if you are beaten by many stripes we have the authority of Scripture for saying that your punishment is just. But oh. it is sad to see that constitution trampled underfoot and the country destroyed, only to perpetuate their hellish dynasty, and to see some of our own people join in this unholy work, calling upon us to submit and become the agents of our own dishonor! This is sad. sorrowful, and fills me with shame. Oh. how sorry a creature is the man who cannot stand for the truth when the country is in danger! There never was such an opportunity as now for a man to show of what stuff he is made. How can you go about the streets and say: 'All is wrong, but I cannot help it!" You want courage; you are a coward. You lack courage to tell the truth. You would sell your birthright for a temporary mess of pottage, even for a little bit of a judgeship or a bureau officer's place."
By the provisions of a general order issued by General Pope on the 21st of May. 1867. the state senatorial districts were adopted as the election districts, and the counties of Fulton, Cobb and Clayton therefore composed the thirty-fifth election district. The two white registrars appointed for this district were Henry G. Cole, of Marietta, and C. W. Lee. of Jonesboro. The city of Atlanta had a special board composed of Dr. Joseph Thompson and T. M. Robinson. The completed registry in the city was:
First ward — white, 523. colored, 396; second ward — white, 280, colored, 200; third ward — white, 181, colored, 203; fourth ward — white, 343, colored, 521; fifth ward — white, 438, colored, 281; total white registry, 1,765; total colored registry, 1,621; grand total, 3,386. The registry in the district was: Fulton county — white, 2,419, colored, 1,920, total, 4,339. Cobb county — white, 1,648, colored, 573, total 2,221. Clayton county — white, 553, colored, 219, total, 772. The total district registration, therefore, was 7,332. of which number 4,620 were whites and 2,712 blacks.
By virtue of a call of the executive committee of the Conservative Union party, a mass convention was held in Atlanta on the 12th of October, 1867, for the purpose of choosing delegates to the district convention called to convene in the city of Atlanta on the 19th of the same month. After the selection of Charles Latimer as chairman and Dr. Charles Pinckney as secretary, a committee of five was named by the chair, on motion, to nominate delegates to the convention in question. The names of thirty-four delegates were reported. On motion, the following resolution of the Conservative Union executive committee, adopted at a meeting held at Atlanta on the 7th of the same month, was adopted and considered as a part of the proceedings of the meeting:
"Resolved, That the citizens of Clayton, Cobb and Fulton counties, who are opposed to a state convention and the reconstruction of Georgia under the 'Sherman-Shellabarger" bills, and supplements, are invited to send delegates to the district convention, in the city of Atlanta, on Saturday, October 19th, for the purpose of nominating seven candidates to represent said counties in a state convention called by Brevet Major-General Pope, U. S. A."
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