Atlanta And Its Builders, Vol. 2 - A Comprehensive History Of The Gate City Of The South. Thomas H. Martin

Atlanta And Its Builders, Vol. 2 - A Comprehensive History Of The Gate City Of The South - Thomas H. Martin


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Representatives over the President's veto, we think it the duty of the people of Georgia to remain quiet and thereby preserve at least their self-respect, their manhood and their honor.

      "Resolved, 2. That in the event said bill has or does become a law, we trust Governor Jenkins, either alone or in connection with the governors of other Southern States, will at once take the necessary steps to have the constitutionality of the law tested before the Supreme Court of the United States.

      "Resolved, 3. That we hereby tender to his excellency. President Johnson, our heartfelt thanks for the patriotic efforts he has made to protect the constitution of the United States and the liberties of the people."

      Colonel T. C. Howard offered an amendment to the Glenn resolutions, which he was proceeding to read when Mr. Dunning urged in objection that he was not a citizen of Fulton county. The meeting demanded that Colonel Howard's resolutions be heard, and they were read as follows:

      "We, the citizens of Fulton county and vicinity, having been convoked, and now being in convention for the purpose of considering the state of the country, and particularly the bill just passed by congress, popularly known as the Sherman Military Bill, do solemnly

      "Resolve, That said bill is unjust, as it needlessly discriminates against the Southern State's, which are without exception abiding all public laws, and are in profound peace; it is harsh and cruel, as it surrenders life, liberty and estate to the arbitrary and despotic will of the military power; it is in positive conflict with the better spirit and genius of the constitution and American liberty; degrading to the bitterest and last degree, as it sinks us below the legal status of our former slaves, surrenders the control and polity of the Southern States to the blacks, and by our own hands stigmatizes, disfranchises and disavows the men who have periled life, fortune and all worldly ambition for our sakes.

      "Resolved, 2. That by our assent to the principles and provisions of said bill, the Southern people commit political suicide by arraying themselves against the President of the United States, who, with sublime courage, has resisted the combined energies of the enemies of the government and constitution, by adopting and ratifying outrages on our liberties that would not be tolerated an instant by that tribunal while a vestige of that constitution remained.

      "Resolved, 3. That we do now solemnly asseverate, and call God to witness the sincerity of our hearts, in doing so, that as a people we meditate no illegal opposition to the laws, no violation of private rights, whether of the North man or the South man, the black or the white: no denial of sympathy, justice or legal rights of the colored portion of our population, and that all we ask is quiet, and the enjoyment of what little we hope for from the soil of our devastated, afflicted and poverty stricken country.

      "Resolved, lastly. That we are conscious of having done all that mortal power could do to secure the happiness and liberties of our people, but in God's afflictive providence we have been overwhelmed; we meekly submit ourselves to His Almighty power, patiently awaiting His good time to deliver us, and confidently trusting that the day will soon come when the sense of honor, justice and magnanimity of the Northern people will, in our persons, vindicate the dignity, rights and liberties of the American people."

      Colonel Howard spoke eloquently for the adoption of the foregoing resolutions. He declared that he appreciated and fully accepted the situation resulting from the war; that he had abided honestly by the results, but was not willing by any voluntary act of his own to place his neck under the yoke before the yoke was forced upon him. He had surrendered his revolutionary arms, but not his manhood, and never would. As for the negro, he was willing to accord equal protection to all men, regardless of color.

      V. A. Gaskill made a motion to table the Glenn resolutions and the Howard amendment. There were loud cries of dissent, and the chairman's voice was lost while attempting to put the question to a vote. A babel of confusion ensued, and while it was at its height. Colonel R. J. Cowart shouted above the din a motion to adjourn, which seemed to carry by common consent, as many were already leaving the hall. General L. J. Gartrell called on all who favored the Glenn resolution to remain, and some half of the people present did so. General Gartrell was chosen as chairman of this impromptu meeting, and John G. Whitner, secretary. Colonel J. J. Morrison inquired of the chair whether the participants in the meeting were limited to the friends of the Glenn resolutions, and upon being answered in the negative, earnestly opposed the resolutions in question and deplored the failure of the meeting to adopt the resolutions brought in by the committee.

      Colonel Adair expressed himself in favor of the first resolutions, also, and urged upon his hearers the importance of taking immediate action along the lines laid down by congress. He declared there was nothing to gain and everything to lose by delay.

      Colonel R. A. Alston next spoke, saying he was decidedly opposed to Governor Brown's conciliatory plan, for the reason that it was capitulating to the Radicals and would aid them in building up a party in opposition to the President and the Supreme Court of the United States; "because it will tend to strengthen and encourage the Radicals to further outrages and unconstitutional legislation, and relieves them of the responsibilities which would otherwise rest upon them; because we then surrender the last claim to sovereignty, and give validity to what would otherwise be decided by the United States Supreme Court as unconstitutional; because it is already a law and no action of ours can make it more or less efficacious; because, so far from saving us from any further outrages or worse inflictions of radical hate, it will only stimulate them to further oppression, and we thus, by our own free will, surrender the only power that is left us — the virtue of patient endurance and the honor which arises from a rigid adherence to principle and duty." After the close of Colonel Alston's earnest speech, the question was put on the passage of the Glenn resolutions, which were adopted almost unanimously.

      Colonel Farrow announced that the adjourned meeting would meet again that evening, in the city hall, at 7 o'clock. The friends of the Farrow resolutions met, accordingly, and after being re-read, the resolutions were amended, the last resolution being changed to read as follows:

      Resolved, That a copy of the proceedings of this meeting be forwarded to the reconstruction committee of congress, and to Governor Jenkins, with the request that he convene the legislature immediately, with a view of calling a convention to comply fully with the terms prescribed by the Sherman act, lately passed by congress.

      On motion of Colonel Calhoun the resolutions were adopted, and the meeting adjourned. As the audience was dispersing, ex-Governor Brown came into the hall, and was invited to address the people on the momentous issues of the day. Governor Brown said he would not intentionally wound the feelings of anyone. He thought it was time to pour oil on the troubled waters, rather than to excite the flames of passion and attempt to divide the people by angry strife. Congress had already taken action which placed the people all under a military government. The President would undoubtedly, in a few days, appoint a commander for this district, Georgia, Alabama and Florida, whose will would be the law of the land; it would be a matter of discretion with that commander whether he would allow any one charged with an offense to be tried by a civil tribunal, or before a military tribunal, where the punishment and its mode of infliction would alike be determined upon according to military laws.

      "Gentlemen," he said, "this is no child's play. It is a serious matter. It is such a state of things as you and I have never seen. In view of our responsibilities, then, is it becoming in us to quarrel with each other, or to indulge in a spirit of fault-finding, or of crimination and recrimination? Is this a time to stir up angry strife among ourselves, or to take each other by the throat?

      "The great trouble with our people seems to be that they do not seem to recognize the fact that they are a conquered people, and that they must submit to whatever terms the conqueror may impose upon them. They forget that they no longer have any power of resistance. The struggle has ended by the triumph of the United States government. The controversy which commenced with the different theories of Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson raged with more or less fury from their day until it culminated in the breaking out of the civil war in 1861, and the appeal to the arbitrament of the sword has been decided against the South. Congress claims that both the war-making and the peace-making power has been confided to it, and Congress has maintained the supremacy in the contest


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