Atlanta And Its Builders, Vol. 2 - A Comprehensive History Of The Gate City Of The South. Thomas H. Martin
and make the hereditary slaves of two centuries rulers of our political destiny. It degraded, alarmed and exasperated our people. We had the whole argument of the case on our side. They had the might. Our reconstructors had excelled themselves in this last fantastic of national restoration. Our people were angered to white heat, and they entered upon an uncompromising fight against the astounding project. In this crisis ex-Governor Brown, with that cool method that distinguished him, went North to look into the matter, and see just how earnest the North was, and what hope there was of resistance to these most odious measures . . . . Judge Dawson A. Walker accompanied him. These gentlemen went to Washington early in February, 1867, while the reconstruction measures were pending, and thoroughly gauged public sentiment upon reconstruction. Governor Brown probed the subject to the bottom. He conversed with the most influential men on both sides. From President Johnson, down, he conferred with leaders of every shade of opinion. The impeachment crusade against President Johnson had begun. Against the Sherman bill he had fired a noble but ineffectual veto, and on the last day of the old congress it went through. The new congress passed the supplemental reconstruction bill, providing for a registration of loyal voters, the calling of a convention by a vote of the people, and the ratification of the constitution made by such convention by a popular vote, all under military guidance. Mr. Johnson struck this measure with another spirited veto, but it was promptly passed, and the revengeful malignancy of impeachment gathered force from the incident."
Public sentiment on the reconstruction question was in some respects divided in Atlanta. There were various opinions, and, broadly speaking, the citizens may be said to have been divided into three factions — one favoring unprotesting submission to the inevitable; another was inclined to take no position on the question, preferring to wait developments while professing to support the policy of Andrew Johnson; the third was unalterably against the whole scheme of reconstruction and advised agitation to the end.
Nothing else was talked about. Men stood in groups on the street corners and grew excited in discussing the political outlook. Some of the hot-heads declared they would raise the stars and bars again and fight all Yankeedom to extermination before they would suffer the degradation of their manhood. It was noticeable that the wildest talkers were, as a rule, not confederate veterans. The condition of public feeling made it desirable that a mass meeting be held, and accordingly a call was issued, setting the meeting for March 4, at the city hall. This notice was given great publicity in the local press and by hand-bills and posters, and was signed by the following well-known citizens: Ira R. Foster, Joseph Winship, E. E. Hulbert, Lemuel Dean, J. H. Flynn, A. Austell, George Hillyer, H. Sells, D. F. Hammond, P. L. Mynatt, Richard Peters. E. E. Rawson, S. P. Richards, P. P. Pease, R. P. Zimmerman, Clark Howell, E. P. Howell, W. F. Meador, J. W. Simmons, F. M. Richardson, J. R. Wallace, H. C. Barrow, W. A. Fuller, W. M. Butts, J. D. Pope, W. C. Moore, R. M. Farrar, C. A. Pitts, J. J. Morrison, John Silvey, T. W. J. Hill, Henry P. Farrow, J. A. Hayden, T. G. Healy, J. W. Loyd, J. Lemmons, E. F. Hoge, H. Muhlenbrink, L. S. Salmons, J. B. Campbell, J. E. Gullatt, A. A. Gaulding, J. A. Doane, A. K. Seago, Vines Fish, H. C. Hornady, J. C. Hendrix and C. C. Green
The papers advised caution in the action of the meeting, laying stress upon the helplessness of the South and the Herculean effort Atlanta was making to rehabilitate herself. They said the fire-eaters should be kept in the background, and men of prudence left to formulate a wise course of action. The people were asked to remember that the Sherman bill was law, and that the part of good citizenship (particularly under the circumstances) was to obey the law. The radicals in the South, the Intelligencer declared, had had much to do with the hard terms being inflicted by the North, because of their intemperate and rebellious utterances after the surrender.
A large crowd assembled in accordance with the call, standing room being at a premium. Upon motion, Richard Peters was called to preside, and W. L. Scruggs made secretary. The following committee on resolutions was appointed immediately after the meeting was organized: Colonel H. P. Farrow, V. A. Gaskill, E. E. Rawson, J. O. Harris, I. G. Mitchell, C. P. Cassin, E. E. Hulbert, T. W. J. Hill, and Colonel J. J. Morrison.
Pending the report of the committee on resolutions, a number of speeches were made upon the clamorous call of the audience. J. L. Dunning, who was known as an ultra-conservative, spoke in such a strain, deprecating the blunders and the malice which had led the South to her present unfortunate condition, and counseling patience and optimism. He declared that Governor Jenkins had exceeded his authority in convening the state legislature in accordance with ex-Governor Brown's recommendation. Although repeatedly called for, George W. Adair said he preferred not to speak until the resolutions had been presented to the meeting. The chairman was asked to define the object of the meeting. He replied that, as he understood it, the people had assembled to take into consideration the duty of the people of Georgia as to the formation of a state government, under postbellum conditions, agreeably to the provisions of the Sherman bill, or, in the event of non-action, to see a military government established over them. The chairman explained the object of the meeting in some detail, and at the conclusion of his remarks, the committee on resolutions brought in the following report:
Resolved, That it is the sense of this meeting that the people of Georgia should promptly, and without the least hesitation, accept the plan of restoration recently proposed by congress.
Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting there are persons in each and every county within this State sufficient in numbers and sufficient in integrity and ability, who are not debarred from voting and holding office by the provisions of this law, to perform all the functions of government.
Resolved, That we earnestly hope that as soon as practicable, all those who have the right to do so, will, in good faith, enter upon the duty of instituting for Georgia a legal State government.
Resolved, That we. citizens of Fulton county, do hereby proclaim to our fellow-citizens throughout the entire Union, a sincere purpose, on our part, to heal the wounds inflicted by the unhappy past, and we take this method of extending to our fellow citizens of every State a cordial and hearty invitation to come and settle in our midst, assuring them in the name of everything that is sacred that they shall be received and treated as friends, and as citizens of a common country.
Resolved, That a copy of the proceedings of this meeting be forwarded to Governor Jenkins, and a copy to the chairman of the Reconstruction Committee at Washington.
Colonel Farrow, chairman of the committee, made a strong, terse speech in support of the resolutions, saying they proposed to acknowledge the fact that the people of Georgia, by going to war against the government of the United States, had, in the estimation of the law-making power of the Federal government, forfeited their right to legal government; that the same power had decreed the equality of all men not affected by war, in their relations to the government; that the bill just passed by congress, by a constitutional majority, provided a way to escape from onerous military government, and that the time had come when men should ' lay aside their prejudices and improve the opportunity thus offered them for a final settlement of the difficulties that then beset them, etc.
Colonel J. M. Calhoun then moved the adoption of the resolutions as reported by the committee. He said that although they were not couched in language that suited him. he was nevertheless strongly in favor of their adoption, believing that under the Sherman bill, the provisional governments as they then existed .would be permitted to continue to exercise authority, but that the military authority would have power over the civil government. He also believed that the true interests of the people of the South lay in compliance with the constitutional amendment. Had the people adopted the former constitutional amendment they would have been better off than they were at that time. There was danger in delay. He was not of the "wait and see" kind: he was for immediate action in accordance with the bill.
Luther J. Glenn, always a leader in local affairs and a man whose opinions had much weight, said he wished to offer a series of resolutions as a substitute for the report of the committee. He asked permission to read his resolutions, which was accorded, and after he had concluded the reading, the audience broke into loud cheers, seeming to favor the substitute almost as one man. Colonel Glenn's resolutions follow:
"Resolved, I. That in view of the present condition of the Southern States, and the passage of the military bill by the House