A Guide to Latin Elegy and Lyric. Barbara K. Gold

A Guide to Latin Elegy and Lyric - Barbara K. Gold


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of their own) is also a rich resource for the elegists. In fact, as Ovid makes clear in his Amores, it is Menander who defines the key dramatis personae which populate both Latin elegy and comedy (Amores 1.15.17–18):

      dum fallax servus, durus pater, improba lena

       vivent et meretrix blanda, Menandros erit.

       (While slaves are untrustworthy, fathers hard-hearted, bawds immoral,

       and while courtesans flatter, Menander will live on.)

      These stock comedic characters are certainly all found in Ovid’s Amores, together with the character role that is typically played by the elegiac poet himself – the adulescens amator or unhappy young lover. Ovid even uses this familiar character’s stock catchphrase to declare his unhappiness with life and love: “me miserum!” – “poor me/woe is me!” (Amores 1.1.25, 1.14.51, 2.5.8, 2.11.9, 3.2.69, 3.11.44). The fact that this catchphrase comes from the world of comedy reminds us not to take the poet too seriously when he says this, however. And the fact that this same phrase (and variations thereupon) already appears repeatedly throughout the canon of Latin love lyric and elegy gives us the strong impression that Ovid is well aware that whenever he says “me miserum!” he is effectively speaking to a familiar lover’s “script.” Indeed, the phrase is already well used by Catullus (50.9, 76.19, 99.11) and features prominently in the opening line of Propertius’ programmatic first elegy: Cynthia prima suis miserum me cepit ocellis (“Cynthia first captured poor me with her eyes”).

      Cultural, Political, and Historical Contexts for Elegy and Lyric: Time and Place

      In Kristen Ehrhardt’s useful formulation, the space in which Latin lyric situates many of its poems is “a mixed place” (Ehrhardt 2018). It typically blends together aspects of both Greece and Rome, city and countryside, the Greek symposium and the Roman banquet (convivium). Gardens, groves, fields, and forests provide a largely rural background for Horace’s Odes (sometimes pastoral, sometimes bucolic) although the characters who inhabit this space often seem to be slightly out-of-place in this Arcadian landscape – as if they are temporary visitors from the city rather than permanent residents.

      Alongside these recognizable spatial markers for their poetry, the Roman elegists also use specific temporal markers. Identifiable historical events and dates are sometimes mentioned (e.g., the Augustan marriage laws, the Secular Games), and a few elegies represent what is known as “occasional poetry,” celebrating a particular event such as a promotion, or a birthday (Tibullus 2.2, Propertius 3.10, Sulpicia 3.14 and 3.15). The combined effect of these features is to offer the impression that elegy represents reality, that the elegiac world is a mirror to the “real world” of Augustan Rome (see Kennedy 1993: 92–93). And, although we should see this reality effect for what it is (or rather, for what it is not), this phenomenon does invite us to look outside the poetry, to consider the wider historical and social world in which the ostensibly private and personal world of elegy is situated. Indeed, there are a number of ways in which lyric and elegy respond to the socio-cultural contexts in which they are produced, and the treatment of two themes are of particular importance to our understanding of these genres: rei publicae (politics) and puellae (girls).

      Cultural, Political, and Historical Contexts for Elegy and Lyric: rei publicae

      Let’s take the theme of politics first – although this aspect of the Roman world will inevitably shape the context in which the Latin lyric and elegiac poets engage with their puellae too. The period of time for which both lyric and elegy flourish in Rome is relatively short. Catullus is writing in the late Republican era of the 60s and 50s bce, largely under the First Triumvirate (a tense political alliance between Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey). Gallus is writing in the 40s bce, which see the assassination of Caesar and give rise to the Second Triumvirate, a power-share between Octavian (the future Augustus Caesar), Antony, and Lepidus. Horace, Tibullus, and Propertius are all active in the 30s and 20s under Octavian/Augustus’ early principate – that is, during the immediate aftermath of the bloody period of civil war and into the long period of relative peace and restoration led by Augustus. Indeed, it is tempting to see the emphasis on peace and recreation in lyric and elegy, alongside the explicit interest of these poets in making love not war, as a reaction of some kind against the horrors of the civil war period (see Harrison 2013: 133). Ovid joins the party a little later, and begins writing love elegy in the 20s, with the Augustan imperial regime now well established – although Ovid continues writing experimental elegy into the early decades of the new millennium and the reign of Augustus’ adopted son and successor, Tiberius. Latin lyric and elegy prosper for an interval of about seventy years then, but this interval corresponds with one of the most turbulent and transformative periods in ancient history as Rome makes the difficult transition from Republic to Monarchy and Empire.

      These seismic changes in Rome’s political system inevitably make an impact upon the lyric and elegiac poetry being produced at the time. One of Catullus’ lesser-known elegiac couplets captures nicely the poet’s political stance (Catullus 93):

      Nil nimium studeo, Caesar, tibi velle placere,

       nec scire utrum sis albus an ater homo.

       (I’m not especially eager in


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